Stick a Fork in It

Gov. Rick Perry finished off a tumultuous session by vetoing 49 bills — well short of record of 82 vetoes he set after his first session as governor — and cutting about $650 million out of the Legislature's state budget.

The veto that got the most attention took out an eminent domain bill pushed by his fellow conservatives. HB 2006 would have limited governments' eminent domain powers, which has been a hot issue since the U.S. Supreme Court upheld a condemnation done on behalf of private sector developers. Perry said in his veto message that the legislation would have been a windfall to lawyers who handle condemnations. He also objected to a provision that would have forced governments to pay for the lost economic value of land they didn't acquire, if the acquisition itself is what led to the diminished value. He said he'd support a bill without those provisions.

Perry got kudos from fiscal conservatives for signing bills that'll put more detail about government spending online, but one of the biggest expenses — salaries — remains undetailed. Comptroller Susan Combs has been adding agencies to her website as their spending is available in online form. It's interesting reading, but you can't find out — by that route, anyhow — what the state is paying its employees, and whether they're paying too much, too little, or just right. Each agency has a line item for "salaries," and that's that.

The full list of vetoed bills, along with the Guv's veto messages is available on his website.

Snip and Sign

Perry vetoed $650 million from the Legislature's state spending plans and then signed the rest — a two-year, $151.9 billion budget. And he complained that much of the money spent in the budget was out of reach of his veto pen. He cut $570 million from the budget itself and cut $76.6 million from HB 15, the supplemental appropriations bill.

Perry's press release and the proclamation detailing the cuts are available in our Files section.

He praised most of the budget, saying it increases spending on education, human services, criminal justice and the environment. But he complained that it's not transparent and that it ignored opportunities to increase tax relief with some of the $7 billion lawmakers left unspent.

Perry got most of his veto savings with two bullets. He killed $297.2 million in Medicare "Part D" funding, saying that cost should be borne by the federal government. Perry (some of his counterparts in other states are on the same page) says Texas is being penalized for the way it operates the program and says the so-called "clawback provisions" that force the state to spend that money should be repealed. His other big-ticket item includes a swipe at community colleges. The governor, accusing them of using state money to pay health and other benefits for employees who aren't on the state payroll, cut $154 million in group insurance contributions from their budgets, saying they can get the money from unexpended balances in other accounts and by dipping into other parts of their budgets.

Perry directed particular attention to so-called "special items" in the higher education section of the budget, saying lawmakers spent $1.2 billion "on pet pork projects" outside the regular funding formulas. Of that amount, $123 million was within reach of his veto pen; he axed $35.8 of that.

He said he's "more gravely concerned" about college funding than he was when he proposed his own spending plans in February, saying the Lege subverts an "objective professional process" when it tosses formula funding worked out by the schools in favor of local considerations and political pressures. Special items now account for 19.5 percent of higher education funding, he said.

"The funding process used by the legislature to write this appropriations act is antiquated, unfair, and keeps Texas from adequately competing at national and global levels," Perry said in his veto proclamation. "Texas is shackled by provincialism, preventing the creation of the workforce and laboratory innovations needed to meet the demands of the Twenty-first Century economy. This must stop."

Perry criticized legislators for their sloppy fiscal notes — the price tags put on legislation before it comes to a vote in either chamber. He listed several examples of bills that should have had price tags and didn't, and bills with price tags that clearly didn't match their real costs.

The supplemental bill would spend a total of $426.2 billion over the two-year budget period (that amount isn't included, usually, when people are talking about the size of the state budget, nor is the money the state's spending on public education as it takes on costs now borne by local taxpayers). Perry's office didn't immediately say what items in that bill he vetoed to get $76.6 million in cuts there.

Seeking a Second Opinion

Two committee chairmen from the House want Attorney General Greg Abbott to tell them -- in an official way -- whether House Speaker Tom Craddick's reading of the House's rules is correct. Craddick ended the session saying members can't challenge him without his permission.

Reps. Jim Keffer, R-Eastland, and Byron Cook, R-Corsicana, want Abbott to answer four questions:

• Is the Speaker of the House a "legislative officer" who can be replaced according to House rules, or a "state officer" who can only be removed as described by the Constitution?

• If a Speaker (or a President Pro Tempore in the Senate) is constitutionally impeached, does that cost the officeholder their seat in the Legislature, or just their leadership gig?

• If a Speaker is removed during a legislative session, does the House have a legal obligation to name a replacement or do they have to leave the seat empty?

• Does the Speaker have unlimited discretion about whether to recognize members' motions, including a motion to remove that Speaker?

Keffer says he just wants to find out what Abbott thinks: "If the Speaker is the Supreme Being, we all need to know that, and to make our rules accordingly... If they [Craddick and his lawyers] are right, then maybe we need to adjust our rules, and if they're not, we need to know that, too."

He compared it to a request he and Sen. Jane Nelson made earlier this year, when they asked the AG whether Gov. Rick Perry had the power to order HPV vaccinations for 12-year-old girls. Abbott decided Perry's executive orders were advisory and don't have the force of law.

Craddick's office issued a written statement attributed to his press secretary, Alexis DeLee:

"Speaker Craddick welcomes a review by the Attorney General. During the closing days of the session, Speaker Craddick sought the opinions of constitutional law and rules experts, and the advice was instrumental in the Speaker’s decision to move forward with the business of the session. The rules of the Texas House of Representatives do not provide for a motion to conduct a Speaker's race in the midst of a session’s business. Furthermore, the rules are clear with regard to the Speaker’s power of recognition. Speaker Craddick acted correctly under the House Rules, the Texas Constitution, and was consistent with traditions of parliamentary practice. But more importantly, the citizens of this state were well-served in that the important business of the legislature prevailed over the internal politics of a speaker’s race."

The Keffer/Cook letter to Abbott, along with their questions for Abbott, which they included as an attachment, is in our Files section.

Changing of the Guard, 1

Deirdre Delisi is resigning as chief of staff to Gov. Rick Perry on July 1. She'll be replaced by his general counsel, Brian Newby.

Delisi, married to a Republican political consultant and daughter-in-law of a state rep, has been a policy and political advisor to Perry since he ran for lieutenant governor in 1998, and just gave birth to twin boys, Will and David. She was Perry's campaign manager in the 2002 governor's race and worked as deputy chief of staff before getting her current job in September 2004. She also worked on policy for George W. Bush's first campaign for president.

Her departure isn't completely unexpected, and in fact, the speculation about who might replace her has been underway since before the legislative session ended. And to fill in the blank created above, her husband is Ted Delisi, a consultant, and her mother-in-law is Rep. Dianne White Delisi, R-Temple.

Newby's was one of several names we'd heard mentioned around the Pink Building, a list that also included Ric Williamson, chairman of the Texas Department of Transportation and an old friend of the governor's, and Robert Howden, a former Perry aide who's now a lobbyist.

Newby became Perry's general counsel in November 2004. He'd been a regent at Texas Tech and a lawyer with Fort Worth-based Cantey & Hanger. Perry also promoted a couple of staffers to fill in gaps created by Delisi's departure and that of Phil Wilson, the governor's nominee for Secretary of State. Kris Heckmann and Kathy Walt will become deputy chiefs of staff. Heckmann is Perry's policy director and a veteran of the Sunset Advisory Commission. Walt is a former reporter — at the Houston Chronicle, among other spots — who joined the governor as press secretary in December 2000.

Changing of the Guard, 2

Texas Education Commissioner Shirley Neeley says she'll resign at the end of the month after just more than three years in that post.

Neeley, a former teacher, administrator and school superintendent, has been commissioner since January 2004. She said in her announcement that she wanted to serve for five years. But she just scraped through a recurrence of skin cancer — she's cancer-free now — and wants to spend more time with her family. Neeley indicated in her notice to the agency staff that she decided to quit after finding out the governor wasn't going to reappoint her.

"I can compare my situation to that of a superintendent when a school board decides to take no action or not extend their contract," she wrote. "Anyway you look at it, the message is clear: when it is time to go, it is time to go."

Perry hasn't said who he'll name in her place.

Neeley got good marks from one of the state's teacher groups, which also took the opportunity to spank the governor and the Legislature. "As a veteran educator herself, Commissioner Neeley has tried to keep in touch with educators in the field who actually have to implement the policy edicts and inadequate budgets handed down from the governor and legislative leadership," said Texas AFT President Linda Bridges. "In the process, she has helped to round off some of the rough edges of those policies and make them more workable."

Zero Benefit

One of the governor's vetoes killed legislation that would have put several state employees into the "elected class" for retiree benefits, including the two House parliamentarians who quit in the last week of the session in a dispute over challenges to Speaker Tom Craddick.

That group included former House Parliamentarian Denise Davis and her deputy, Chris Griesel, who quit in the last week of the session when Craddick ignored their advice about whether he had to allow his colleagues to try to remove him from office. Craddick — taking advice from others he'd been conferring with — decided he didn't have to recognize members for so-called "motions to vacate the chair" and that his refusal to ignore them could not be appealed.

The beneficiaries would also have included Senate Parliamentarian Karina Davis and Laura Medlock, who ran the Speaker's kitchen before being forced out of that job late last year.

The legislation — HB 3609 by Rep. Robert Talton, R-Sugar Land, and Sen. Rodney Ellis, D-Houston — would have put several people into the elected class for state retirement. That would have elevated them from the regular pensions for state employees into the potentially more lucrative category legislators set up for themselves and other elected officials.

It was originally written for Medlock, after House members complained about the way she was terminated late last year. She worked 14 years for the state, retired, then returned to work for almost two decades. Because of that retirement in the middle, she wasn't eligible for additional retirement benefits and didn't contribute to the retirement system during her second stint. The bill would have allowed her to buy into the system for those years, and would have let her do it by deducting from her state retirement for the buyback instead of forcing her to catch up on the payments first. How she would have fared depends on who's talking. One bunch of experts tells us her benefits would have been in the regular employee class, not the elected class. Another bunch says the bill was written in a way that would allow her into the elected class.

The other three legislative employees were added as the bill worked its way through the Senate and the House.

The bill would have admitted the group into a small number of legislative employees who already won elected official benefits. To qualify, they have to have held two titled jobs as officers of the House or Senate for a total of ten years, and they have to have worked for the state for a total of 20 years. To make employees eligible, they had to have their names and titles recorded in the House or Senate Journals; Craddick did that for Medlock, Denise Davis, and Griesel, while Lt. Gov. David Dewhurst did it for Karina Davis.

Both chambers passed the bill with no dissent, but Perry spiked it.

Perry's veto message: "House Bill No. 3609 would entitle a select group of state employees to receive special retirement benefits which other state employees will not have the opportunity to receive. State law governing retirement benefits requires a state employee to work for a certain number of years while contributing to the pension trust fund in order to establish the requisite amount of service credit to receive retirement benefits. House Bill No. 3609 would allow a select few to receive increased benefits without meeting established state requirements." Perry signed a bill two years ago that did the same thing for some people, notably Nancy Fisher, Craddick's chief of staff. Her name and titles were put into the journal that year just minutes before the Legislature adjourned Sine Die. A spokesman for Perry said that one got by because it was part of an omnibus retirement bill that had to pass. The bill this session didn't have the same importance.

Political Notes

New polling from SurveyUSA.com has most Texans approving of the job done by U.S. Sen. Kay Bailey Hutchison and most Texans disapproving of John Cornyn, the state's junior senator. Her overall approval rating in the latest poll was 58 percent; 34 percent disapprove of the job she's doing. They're on the fence about Cornyn, with 42 percent approving the job he's doing and 43 percent disapproving. Gov. Rick Perry's numbers are split, too, according to that poll, with 49 percent saying they like the job he's doing and 46 percent saying they don't. President George W. Bush was far underwater in that survey, with 41 percent approval and 57 percent disapproval. Then again, the most prominent Texas politician never has to face voters again. Details: It's a poll of 600 adults that was conducted June 8-10 for KEYE-TV in Austin and WOAI-TV in San Antonio. The margin of error is +/- 4.1 percent.

• This is one of Todd Hunter's three months of popularity. He says the calls about whether he'll run for office each year tend to mass in May, June and December. The rumor this time is that the former state representative will run against freshman Democrat Juan Garcia of Corpus Christi in what, by the numbers, is a Republican-looking district. Garcia beat Republican incumbent Gene Seaman last November, but Republican candidates for state office easily won in the district. Hunter says it's too early to think about, that he's been contacted "many times" about making the race and that, "I haven't made a decision." He discounts it as noise at the moment and says people won't make real decisions until after Labor Day. "All these people are jumping out here in the summer — wait until August for things to settle down, and September for announcements."

• Former state Sen. John Montford, who left the Pink Building to be chancellor at Texas Tech and left that gig to be a mucky-muck at what's now called AT&T, has reportedly called around about a U.S. Senate race, though he wasn't immediately available to talk about it. He's a Democrat who served from Lubbock but now lives in San Antonio. He'd be the third candidate from that city, which claims U.S. Sen. John Cornyn, the Republican incumbent, and trial lawyer Mikal Watts, who moved from Corpus Christi to San Antonio. Watts, a Democrat, has an exploratory committee in motion.

Flotsam & Jetsam

The holdover list that included Education Commissioner Shirley Neeley currently has about 120 other spots on it, according to a listing kept on the governor's website. A number of state colleges and universities — Texas Tech and the University of Texas among them — are waiting for new regents. The Texas Department of Transportation has two seats occupied by commissioners whose terms have expired. One of those is former legislator Ric Williamson, who has become a lightning rod in the process of making the dirt fly on road projects — some of them terrifically controversial — around the state. Three spots are open at the Texas Parks and Wildlife Commission, considered a plum assignment. There's one at the Texas Lottery Commission, three at the Texas Board of Criminal Justice, and several at various river authorities around the state. Now that the Lege is gone, the governor can make appointments and not worry about Senate consent until the next regular session, in January 2009.

• A poll commissioned by Texas companies that want a moderate approach to immigration reform found 59 percent of Texans want federal legislation that was described this way in the pollster's question: "The proposal would add resources to enhance border security, impose tougher employer penalties for hiring illegal immigrants, make English the language of the United States, create a temporary worker program, and create a process for illegal immigrants already in this country to gain legal status by paying a fine, passing a criminal background check and meeting other requirements." Just over a third — 36 percent — opposed that.

The poll by Austin-based Baselice and Associates found 75 percent of Texans think immigration law and policy needs a major overhaul. There were some partisan splits. Republicans were more likely than Democrats to want more patrols and fencing and technology on the border, and to favor sanction against employers who hire illegal workers. Democrats were more likely to favor the fine/amnesty idea, and they like the temporary worker program in about equal numbers. That said, respondents from both parties were in favor of all of those things, just in different intensities. The survey — available online — was done for a federation called Texas Employers for Immigration Reform.

• The comptroller's office will produce the quarterly lists of companies that do business with the government of Sudan. The state's two big retirement systems — for state employees and for teachers — will compare that with their investments and tell the companies whether they want to keep the business over there or the investments over here. Texas is the 17th state with legislation of that sort, according to the governor's office.

• Eureka! U.S. Rep. Kay Granger, R-Fort Worth, wants to require weather radios in mobile homes, which are so often the wreckage after twisters that they're widely known as Tornado Magnets. (In the industry, all that stuff is called manufactured housing, so you won't step on any toes.) The radios would be required in all new manufactured housing.

Political People and Their Moves

President George W. Bush appointed State Demographer Steve Murdock to be the next director of the U.S. Census. Murdock, currently working out of the University of Texas at San Antonio (he was at Texas A&M University before that) is one of those rare people whose facts are highly regarded by everybody who's paying attention. He currently runs the Texas State Data Center and wrote about where the state's going in The Texas Challenge, an influential report that's become a regular reference for policy wonks in state government.

Emmett Sheppard, president of the Texas AFL-CIO, will retire at the end of his current term. The 64-year-old succeeded Joe Gunn in 2003 and will step down in August, when the AFL-CIO is supposed to elect its officers. Sheppard has been a union activist for 40 years and came to Austin in 1989 as the state legislative director. Becky Moeller, now the secretary-treasurer of the Texas federation, will run for president and is so far the only declared candidate for the post.

Add three names to the org chart at the Department of Information Resources. Casey Hoffman, most recently a deputy attorney general, will be executive assistant to DIR chief Brian Rawson. Cindy Reed and Ginger Salone have joined that agency as deputy executive directors. Reed is already at DIR, where she was running a division. Salone has been working in IT in the attorney general's child support division.

Daniel Womack, after five years with Sen. Troy Fraser, R-Horseshoe Bay, is leaving to work for Commissioner Buddy Garcia at the Texas Commission on Environmental Quality.

Quotes of the Week

Rep. Beverly Woolley, R-Houston, asked by the Houston Chronicle whether her family's business would have benefited from vetoed legislation — that she sponsored — restricting eminent domain: "Maybe, maybe not."

Texas Education Commissioner Shirley Neeley, talking to The Dalllas Morning News about leaving the agency: "I wasn't quite ready to see it end, but I certainly respect the governor's decision. I am just sorry to see a 35-year career in public education end like this."

North Texas Tollway Authority chairman Paul Wageman, talking to a regional transportation council and quoted by The Dallas Morning News disputing state and private-sector opinions that NTTA's bid was inferior to another: "If you're not thoroughly confused, you're very smart people. It's really almost seemed otherworldly to me today."

Fred Lewis, an ethics and campaign finance reformer, quoted in the San Antonio Express-News on a property deal between Rep. Robert Puente, D-San Antonio, and a lobbyist: "I don't know if it was an arm's-length transaction. I don't know if he bought it at a fair price. I don't know if he sold it at a fair price. But let's just put it this way: It raises deep concerns when legislators are doing business with lobbyists, buying and selling things to them."

Rep. Sylvester Turner, a Houston Democrat who is running for Speaker of the House, in the Houston Chronicle: "I see myself attending a heck of a lot more fundraisers and receptions than I have in previous years. I will be popping up all over the place."


Texas Weekly: Volume 24, Issue 3, 25 June 2007. Ross Ramsey, Editor. Copyright 2007 by Printing Production Systems, Inc. All Rights Reserved. Reproduction in whole or in part without written permission from the publisher is prohibited. One-year online subscription: $250. For information about your subscription, call (512) 302-5703 or email biz@texasweekly.com. For news, email ramsey@texasweekly.com, or call (512) 288-6598.

 

The Week in the Rearview Mirror

Some of the indictments of former U.S. House Majority Leader Tom DeLay and two codefendants should be dropped, according to the Texas Court of Criminal Appeals. Travis County District Attorney Ronnie Earle, whose office obtained the indictments, plans to ask the court to rehear the issue.

The state's highest criminal court agreed, narrowly, with lower courts, saying some of the indictments against DeLay, Jim Ellis, and John Colyandro should be dropped. Those indictments allege conspiracy to break a law that wasn't in the state penal code at the time. Four of the nine judges on the court dissented, saying they didn't see the sense in saying conspiracy applies to some felonies and not to others. Judge Tom Price voted with the majority, but said the dissenters have a point and suggested he might side with them on a future case that makes the same points.

Earle plans to ask for a rehearing, saying the ruling isn't logical: "Criminal conspiracy means three things. It means a person intends to commit a felony. It means that the person agrees that he or his co-conspirators will engage in conduct that would constitute the crime. And it means one of them performs some act in pursuit of the crime. Under the rationale of today’s majority opinion, the Legislature has blessed these criminal conspiracies as long as the felony they agree to commit is not in the Penal Code."

DeLay commented on the case in his blog, comparing Earle to the prosecutor who wrongly went after Duke University's lacrosse players: "The Texas Court of Criminal Appeals today ruled that I was wrongfully indicted by Ronnie Earle, the Mike Nifong of Texas, on laws that didn't even exist... [His] politically motivated indictments cost Republicans the leader of their choice, and my family hundreds of thousands of dollars in legal fees... [He] may think this case is about campaign finance, but in the end it will be a case about his own prosecutorial misconduct."

If the conspiracy charges fall, all three remain indicted on money laundering charges; Ellis and Colyandro face separate indictments on charges they made illegal campaign contributions. And once the Court of Criminal Appeals is done, the case will go back to the trial judge, Pat Priest, for the next round.

Rulings (there are several indictments against each of the three men, but the decisions roll all eight indictments into one package) are at these links:

Judge Michael Keasler, opinion

Presiding Judge Sharon Keller, concurring

Judge Tom Price, concurring

Judge Cathy Cochran, dissenting

Lt. Gov. David Dewhurst, in a letter delivered on the eve of their decision, tells state transportation commissioners they should side with local officials who like NTTA's bid for Dallas-Fort Worth's State Highway 121 in over the proposal by Cintra.Here's his letter:

New numbers about people, home values, and health insurance in the state...

Six of the 21 biggest cities in the U.S. are in Texas, according to the newest numbers from the U.S. Census Bureau, and Houston, San Antonio and Dallas are all still in the top ten in positions four, seven, and nine, respectively. Austin's number 16. Fort Worth is the nation's 18th largest city, and El Paso is number 21. The Census folk also point out that seven of the country's ten biggest cities, and three of the top five, are in states that share a border with Mexico.

Since the 2000 census, McKinney has grown faster than any city of more than 100,000 in the U.S. — on a percentage basis. That city started the decade with 54,409 residents and now has an estimated 107,530. Denton, just down the road, has grown 32.9 percent since 2000, and four other Texas cities — Brownsville, Laredo, Grand Prairie and Fort Worth, each grew more than 20 percent. Two Texas spots on the big city list have lost population since 2000: Abilene, down 1 percent, and Beaumont, down 3.4 percent.

If you use sheer numbers instead of percentages, Houston grew by 172,936 from 2000 to 2006, more than any city but New York and Phoenix. San Antonio, with 136,738 new residents, is fifth nationally, and Fort Worth, with 112,048, ranks sixth. Two other Texas spots made the top 20 in raw growth: McKinney, at number 19, with 53,121 newbies, and Austin, in the 20th slot, with 50,266 new residents.

In the last year (they measure from July 2005 to July 2006), the Texas list-toppers are all in the Metroplex: McKinney, 11.1 percent; Grand Prairie, 6.6 percent; Denton, 5.1 percent; and Fort Worth, 4.8 percent. In raw numbers (with rank in parentheses), five of the ten fastest-growing cities in the nation were in Texas: San Antonio, 33,084 (2); Fort Worth, 30,201 (3); Houston, 26,554 (4); Austin, 18,630 (6); and Dallas, 16,676 (8).

• Texas is ignoring the national housing slump, which wouldn't matter here except that values are tied to property taxes and all that jazz. The Real Estate Center at Texas A&M University passes along national numbers that show prices in Texas rose 6.9 percent during the first quarter, as against the 4.3 percent national average. Austin and San Antonio saw the biggest jumps among the state's big cities, with price increases of over 10 percent. Midland prices rose 21 percent; Odessa's by 16 percent.

• Texas, at 23.8 percent, had a higher percentage of uninsured citizens than any other state in 2006, according to the latest numbers from the National Center for Health Statistics. They estimate 43.6 million Americans were without health insurance in 2006, or about 14.6 percent of the population. About 9.3 percent of children (under age 18) were uninsured nationally, compared with 19 percent in Texas. The numbers were based on 100,000 interviews done by that agency, and include people who weren't insured at the time they were interviewed. Larger numbers, according to the survey, were uninsured at some time or another during the last 12 months, and a portion had gone without insurance for more than a year at the time the survey was done.

The North Texas Tollway Authority — alias, the NTTA — beat a private sector conglomerate on expansion of State Highway 121 in Dallas-Fort Worth.

The state's Transportation Commission voted 4-1 to go with the recommendation of a local transportation board that sided with NTTA. That won kudos from two state senators who've been watching carefully (Transportation Committee Chairman John Carona, R-Dallas, and former transportation commissioner Robert Nichols, R-Jacksonville). And it came on the heels of a letter from Lt. Gov. David Dewhurst urging the commissioners to abide by the earlier local decision in NTTA's favor.

The losing consortium didn't concede, issuing a statement after the meeting saying the NTTA proposal is "incomplete and lacks a firm financial commitment." Cintra/JPMorgan say they can do the project faster and with less financial risk. The commission's vote lets highway officials negotiate a final deal with NTTA. If that falls through, those officials could go with the Cintra deal or make other plans.

Cintra had an inside track on the road at one time, but lawmakers wanted to see if the local transportation folks could compete with the private sector, and reopened the bidding.

One of the big arguments after the 2002 elections — sometimes in the center of the table and sometimes on the side — was about the corporate money behind efforts to put a Republican majority in the Texas House.

The U.S. Supreme Court's latest campaign finance ruling wasn't about the Texas election, or about the Texas law, exactly. But it's the latest snapshot of where the federal courts think campaign limits end and free speech begins, and it'll reverberate in elections here.

Corporate and union money can't be used to promote candidates (though political action committees affiliated in legally defined ways can), and some Democrats felt the Republicans stepped over the lines in the 2002 Texas races. The Republicans, you'll remember, figured they were on safe ground with ads that never used "magic words" urging people to vote for or against a particular candidate. In their reading, it's okay to say — in an ad purchased with corporate or union donations — that Joe Schmo voted for a foolish and unpopular thing or is against a smart, popular thing. And it's okay to do that in the days before an election, just so long as you don't tell people whether they should pull the lever for Mr. Schmo or for his opponent.

The use of corporate money for ads like that is the basis of some of the charges against former U.S. Rep. Tom DeLay, R-Sugar Land, and two former associates.

Again, state and federal campaign laws differ. But state laws often chase federal definitions and legal opinions; the "magic words" bit, for instance, comes from a footnote in a landmark federal case. And if the McCain Feingold limits on campaign finance are unconstitutional, then so are state laws that resemble them.

The federal law put another restriction on things, curtailing use of those "educational" or "issue" ads in the final weeks of campaigns. Now the Supremes say that's an unconstitutional restriction of free speech. If the ads are clearly advocating election of a particular candidate — or the defeat of one — they're still barred. But if there's any other "reasonable interpretation," the justices say the ads can run. The ads in question were run by Wisconsin Right to Life, criticizing Democratic U.S. Sen. Russ Feingold's opposition to the president's judicial appointees. They ran in the weeks before his reelection campaign — during a 30-day blackout period described in the law — and urged viewers to contact him. They didn't say how people should vote. The court said, in effect, that the group had the First Amendment right to run the ads.

How's it play back here? Ask a lawyer. But the Democrats were agitated about mailers from the Texas Association of Business, in particular, that blasted various Democrats and extolled the virtues of Republican challengers back in 2002. Some of that battle is still alive in Texas courts, and the Wisconsin Right to Life case hits on some of the same issues.

Political People and their Moves

Freshman state Rep. Thomas Latham, a Sunnyvale Republican and a former cop, has trouble at home — with his own ilk.

The Mesquite Police Association is calling him "an embarrassment to the badge" and withdrawing its support.

The group's president, Don Williams, says Latham didn't listen to the cops or other local officials — he named the mayor, the city manager, and the city council — on legislation that would have prevented a statewide police union from receiving state grant money, allowing that money to go to cities and police departments instead. (Some of this stems from a battle over HB 1200 between the Texas Municipal Police Association, or TMPA, and the Combined Law Enforcement Associations of Texas, or CLEAT. Latham voted with TMPA; the Mesquite folks preferred the CLEAT position.)

MPA was with Latham early, when he squeaked past incumbent Rep. Elvira Reyna, R-Mesquite, in the primary, and on into the general election. Williams says they're talking to "other highly qualified candidates," but didn't name anybody. Put Mesquite Mayor Mike Anderson on your list of possible candidates; he was out of town this week and not returning calls, but several folks we've talked to say he's thinking about running for the statehouse.

Robert Talton, R-Pasadena, says he's still considering a run for Congress in CD-22, where U.S. Rep. Nick Lampson, D-Stafford, replaced Tom DeLay last year. Republicans want that seat back, and Talton — currently a state rep and a thorn in the side of GOP Speaker Tom Craddick — is calling around to see if he could raise the money for the race. So is Shelley Sekula-Gibbs, a special election winner who kept the seat warm until losing the general election to Lampson in November, and former Sugar Land Mayor Dean Hrbacek. Other names in the hat: Pete Olson, who worked for former U.S. Sen. Phil Gramm and for then-Attorney General John Cornyn as chief of staff.

• Kill your Beverly Woolley rumors before they start this year: The Houston Republican is running for reelection to the Texas House. And she says in her announcement that she wants another crack at the eminent domain bill that passed this session and got voted by Gov. Rick Perry.

• Put former state Rep. Glen Maxey officially in the hunt for a Travis County job. The Austin Democrat wants to be Travis County's tax collector-assessor and says he'll run next year for that post. He'll face a four-term incumbent from his own party: Nelda Wells-Spears.

Donna White leaves Gov. Rick Perry's employ after six years for a new job at the Texas Commission on Environmental Quality. White ran administration and constituent services for the Guv.

Appointments: Perry named Cecilia May Moreno of Lubbock — the superintendent of the Carrizo Springs ISD — to the Texas Woman's University Board of Regents. She's a former city council member in Laredo and worked in that city's school district for 37 years. She's a TWU alum.

Perry named three regents for Stephen F. Austin State University. Carlos Amaral is president and CEO of Sequoia Network Services in Plano. James Dickerson Jr. is a retired attorney who lives in New Braunfels, and John "Bob" Garrett of Tyler is President and CEO of Fair Oil Co. and Fair Management Co. All three are alums.

Perry named Erin Berling of Coppell, Kenneth Mueller of Brenham and Richard Neider of Lubbock to the Texas Board of Orthotics and Prosthetics. Berling and Neider are reappointments. Mueller is a veterans services officer for Washington County.

Quotes of the Week

Roberts, Cochran, Dorcy, Garcia, and Lin

U.S. Supreme Court Chief Justice John Roberts, in a decision striking a ban on corporation- and union-sponsored political "issue" ads in the final weeks of campaigns: "Discussion of issues cannot be suppressed simply because the issues may also be pertinent in an election. Where the First Amendment is implicated, the tie goes to the speaker, not the censor."

Judge Cathy Cochran of the Texas Court of Criminal Appeals, dissenting from a decision that says the state's conspiracy statutes apply to some felonies, but not those in the state's Election Code: "Are some felonies more felonious than other felonies? More deserving of being deterred and punished before their actual commission? Or are felonies defined in the Penal Code especially heinous "felonies-on-steroids," while their brethren defined outside the Penal Code are puny, half-pint felonies unworthy of being the subject of the crime of conspiracy? I do not think so."

Jim Dorcy, a board member of the National Association of Retired Border Patrol officers, in a Houston Chronicle story about plans to hire 6,000 new agents by 2009: ''We're in unanimous agreement that it can't be done. They can't round them up, train them and get them on the line in that amount of time."

Texas Department of Transportation spokeswoman Gabriela Garcia, quoted in a Fort Worth Star-Telegram story on millions of dollars paid to losing highway bidders: "It's not a consolation prize. We're not just paying for paper. We take their proposals and, even though they're an unsuccessful proposer, we use pieces of it and incorporate those ideas into the final product."

Jeff Yu-Kuang Lin, a millionaire software programmer busted for opening a brothel in Richmond, quoted in the Houston Chronicle: "Money wasn't the motivation. I just wanted to experience something different."