Texas Republicans are starting a critical election cycle with a gaggle of competing political action committees, a muddle that could hamper efforts to hang onto the slimmest possible majority in the Texas House.

House Speaker Joe Straus III wants a second term and the Republicans want to keep control of the chamber next year. In 2011, lawmakers will draw new political districts for the state's congressional, Senate, House, and State Board of Education candidates. If Republicans lose the House, they'll lose a critical piece of redistricting machinery. If they hold their majority, they'll have a chance to draw maps that help them keep control of state government well into the century's second decade.

Straus has said he won't work against sitting members of the Legislature, from either party. He's a Republican, and he wants more Republicans in the House, but he's not going to oppose any Democrats who are already there.

His political action committee, which will spring into being this summer, will help Republicans running in open seats and Republicans defending their current seats.

GOPAC Texas ­— the state branch of a venerable federal effort that predated Ronald Reagan's rise to power — will focus on seats now held by Democrats that Republicans think they can flip to their column. On paper, that doesn't look so hard — 22 of the House's 74 Democrats represent districts that voted for Republicans in statewide contests during the last two election cycles.

Another PAC, forming with guidance from congressional and statehouse Republicans, would target all of those races — challenge seats, open seats, and defense seats.

So, apparently, would a political action committee started by the Republican Party of Texas. That has the advantage of lower mail rates that are available to the political parties but not to outside PACs and candidates. It has a disadvantage, too: Many officeholders in the GOP hold the state party in remarkably low esteem.

And they've got several ways to do their politicking without the party's help. Straus is the speaker; that's a no-brainer for Republican members. GOPAC Texas is headed by Rep. Phil King, R-Weatherford, and fellow members of the House's Conservative Caucus. Some in the Straus camp grumble that the GOPAC group is full of supporters of former House Speaker Tom Craddick — the guy Straus knocked off — but they're still House members. The congressional/statehouse effort has a number of state representatives in the boardroom, including Dan Gattis of Georgetown, Kelly Hancock of North Richland Hills, Harvey Hilderbran of Kerrville, Lois Kolkhorst of Brenham, and Larry Phillips of Sherman.

Those are all, if you'll forgive the pun, in-house efforts that members feel they can control. One advantage to outside efforts like GOPAC is that members who don't contribute and don't help in the operations can maintain their good relationships with Democratic colleagues. It's hard to smack someone in the head in November and then get their help on legislation in the session that follows. Possible, but uncomfortable. Consultant-driven PACs protect members from that sort of thing, to some extent, but often come apart when good capitalism and good politics collide. It might be politically stupid to cut another commercial or drop another round of mail, but it's profitable. It's a balancing act.

That's an opening for the Associated Republicans of Texas, a PAC that's been around since John Tower was the only Republican in statewide office. Pat Sweeney Robbins, who runs that operation, says they'll do what they always do: Try to put more Republicans in the statehouse. She's happy to have help, but worries about so many PACs crowding into an election season that will end with fewer than a dozen seats seriously contested. "Each group has their own issues. It confuses the heck out of contributors," she says.

ART has also focused in the past on Senate seats, but most watchers don't think any of those will be seriously competitive this year. In fact, Sen. Dan Patrick of Houston is spending his time working with GOPAC to try to win some House seats for the Republicans.

The new committees are just getting started. Don't expect to see big war chests when campaign finance reports are filed next week. In January — when reports for the second half of the year are due — it'll be apparent who successfully appealed to the Republican money folks, and who whiffed.

Poll: Perry Leads Hutchison

Rick Perry would beat Kay Bailey Hutchison handily in a Republican primary held right now, according to a poll done by researchers at the University of Texas at Austin and the Texas Politics project.

Registered voters in this poll who said they are likely to vote in the GOP primary favored the incumbent over the challenger 38 percent to 27 percent. (The margin of error on this part of the poll is 5.24 percent, since it's a subset of the full set of those surveyed). A quarter of GOP voters haven't made up their minds, and another 7 percent would favor another unnamed candidate.

Likely Democratic primary voters don't have a strong favorite but know one name better than the others. Kinky Friedman got 13 percent to 7 percent for Leticia Van de Putte (who has now said she won't run), and 3 percent for Tom Schieffer and 2 percent for Mark Thompson. Another 14 percent said they have another unnamed candidate in mind and 62 percent were undecided. (The Democratic section of the poll has a margin of error of +/- 6.05 percent.)

If Hutchison quits to run for governor, Democrat and former Comptroller John Sharp and Republican Lt. Gov. David Dewhurst lead a pack that's chasing a huge — 62 percent — undecided vote. Sharp got 10 percent, Dewhurst got 9 percent, followed by Houston Mayor Bill White, at 7 percent, Attorney General Greg Abbott, at 6 percent, state Sen. Florence Shapiro, 3 percent, and Railroad Commissioners Elizabeth Ames Jones and Michael Williams, and former Texas Secretary of State Roger Williams, each at 1 percent. The pollsters didn't attach offices or former offices to those folks, but did identify their party affiliations.

The Internet poll of 924 adults was conducted June 11-22 and (with the exception of the subsets for the primaries) has a margin of error of +/- 3.22 percent. You can see the full results, along with some charts, at the Texas Politics Project.

Asked a series of questions about words describing President Barack Obama, 70 percent said "intelligent" describes him well; 54 percent said "leadership" is a good description; and 45 percent said "honest" fits him. On that last one, 42 percent said "honest" does not describe him well. A third didn't like the "leadership" description for him. In this poll, 46 percent of Texans disapprove of the way Obama is doing his job as against 43 percent who approve. His handling of the economy gets worse marks: 51 percent disapprove, while 38 percent approve. Congress gets similarly bad marks: 20 percent approve of the job federal legislators are doing, and 58 percent disapprove. The poll included a presidential horse race question: In Texas right now, Obama would lose a reelection race to Republican Mitt Romney 39-34.

Two in five Texans said they approve "somewhat" or "strongly" of the job Perry has been doing as governor; 32 percent don't approve; and 28 percent don't lean one way or the other. The Legislature's approval ratings were 29 percent positive, 35 negative, and mainly neutral.

The respondents narrowly agree with the state's decision not to accept federal stimulus money for unemployment insurance. The Guv and the Lege turned down $555 million in federal money for that program; 43 percent agree with them, 36 percent disagree, and 21 percent didn't have a preference.

Public Policy

The biggest problem facing the country? The economy, with 29 percent, followed by federal spending/national debt, with 15 percent, and unemployment/jobs and political corruption/leadership, tied at 12 percent. A few issues — health care, immigration, national security, and moral decline — were in the 4 percent to 6 percent range. Others — gas prices, education, gay marriage, Afghanistan/Pakistan, Iraq, voting system, environment, crime — barely registered.

The most important problems in Texas were similar but immigration lead the list, at 18 percent, followed by the economy, 16 percent, and unemployment/jobs and border security, both at 13 percent.

Most — 69 percent — said the country is worse off economically than it was a year ago, but only 43 percent said that also applies to their personal and family financial standing. And 82 percent said poverty is a "big problem" or "somewhat of a problem."

• More Texans oppose (41 percent) than support (33 percent) the nomination of Sonia Sotomayor to the U.S. Supreme Court.

• They support reinstating legislative control over tuition rates at state colleges and universities (54 percent to 23 percent).

• They strongly support deputizing local police and sheriff's deputies to enforce federal immigration laws (61 percent to 27 percent).

• Requiring Photo IDs from voters is a winner with 70 percent; only 17 percent oppose it.

• Most Texans would allow expanded gambling in some form (full casinos, 40 percent; expansion in existing locations only, 13 percent; expansion on Indian reservations only, 7 percent), while only 18 percent would leave the law as is and only 10 percent would ban gaming altogether.

• A third of Texans don't think gays and lesbians should have the right to marry or join in civil unions, but 29 percent favor the right to marriage and another 32 percent favor the right to civil unions.

• Texans favor a ban on smoking in most places by a two-to-one margin (63 percent to 31 percent).

Cha-Ching!

Gov. Rick Perry raised $4.2 million for his reelection during the last nine days of June, and has $9.4 million on hand as that campaign gets underway.

Campaign finance reports are due next week (July 15), reflecting fundraising efforts during the six months ended June 30. Perry and other state officeholders are barred from raising money during a legislative session, for the 30 days leading up to it, and for the three weeks after a session during which a governor still yields a veto pen.

But he shared a peek at his report, saying it'll show 1,076 people gave him $4.2 million — including $454,094 online — from June 21 to June 30.

No dollar numbers yet from anyone else in the race for governor. And Perry released only the totals, saving the details of spending and of who gave how much for next week. Kay Bailey Hutchison's campaign issued a brief statement: "Kay Bailey Hutchison is proud of her strong statewide support, which is both broad and deep."

By mid-week, Hutchison was Twittering (sending messages to followers on Twitter) about her fundraising: "98% of KBH’s money raised is from Texas. Texans TRULY appreciate and value results, not politics." ... "Nearly 80% of contributions to KBH were $500 or less! A TRUE outpouring of support for Kay’s vision for Texas!"

This is a personal best for Perry during the truncated fundraising periods in legislative years. In 2007, he raised $881,488; in 2005, $2.3 million; in 2003, $272,771; and in 2001, $2.2 million. Both 2001 and 2005, like this year, were leading into election seasons.

Why release it early? Let us speculate for a minute: Hutchison probably raised more money and if Perry let his number loose at the same time she did, he'd lose that day's headline contest. Also, Perry's release came a day before a scheduled conference call for Hutchison's finance team: That's got to be discouraging.

The Movie Business

Twittering isn't all of it: U.S. Sen. Kay Bailey Hutchison is popping out a series of online videos in a new effort to use social media to promote her run for governor.

One: She's got 6,500 financial supporters (she didn't say what they've contributed, or what period that number of people covers).

Two: Donors by region of the state. The slogan appears for the first time: "Results. Not Politics."

Three: A towel-snap aimed at Gov. Rick Perry's derriere. Hutchison's video says Perry was against stimulus money publicly — in fundraising letters and speeches — while pleading for more of it in meetings with federal officials. And it closes with a tag you'll probably see later on TV: "Rick Perry: All you get is politics. Texas can do better. Kay Bailey Hutchison for Governor. Results. Not politics."

Mark Miner, a spokesman for Perry, said Hutchison's attack is hypocritical, since she voted against the funds she now says the state should accept. Plus, he said, it would be irresponsible to leave the education stimulus money on the table: "These are Texas taxpayer dollars and they would otherwise go to other states."

Perry convinced legislators to decline $556 million in unemployment insurance stimulus money, freeing that money for other states and increasing the size of an expected payroll tax increase next year. Miner says that was different, because the UI money came with federal strings attached. The education money, he said, does not.

A Non-Surprise Announcement

Texas Agriculture Commissioner Todd Staples wants four more years in that post.

A win would start his second term there and he doesn't have any announced opposition at this point. Staples, an East Texas Republican, starts the 2010 race with endorsements from the political arms of the Texas Farm Bureau and the Texas Southwestern Cattle Raisers Association.

While they were at it, the Farm Bureau's AGFUND also endorsed Comptroller Susan Combs, who announced her reelection bid a couple of weeks ago. Like Staples, she doesn't have any announced opposition.

Million-Dollar Maybes

Republicans Ted Cruz and Dan Branch each have pulled together more than $1 million to run for attorney general. Neither Cruz, the state's former solicitor general, nor Branch, a state representative from Dallas, plan to seek that job unless the current occupant, Greg Abbott, decides to quit or run for another office.

Branch, limited by a state law that prevents officeholders from raising money during a legislative session, had only seven days during the first half of the year during which he could raise money. He raised $600,000 from more than 200 people, he said, bringing his cash on hand total to more than $1 million. Cruz wasn't restricted, and raised more than $1 million during the five months since he announced his interest in the job.

Branch said the money would be used for his reelection bid if Abbott decides to seek reelection. Cruz said that, "in that very unlikely case," he'd leave the issue to donors, refunding the money or stashing it for a future run for office. Abbott has been considering a run for lieutenant governor next year. Current Lt. Gov. David Dewhurst plans to run for reelection, but is also considering a bid for U.S. Senate if Kay Bailey Hutchison resigns early to run for governor.

Neither Branch nor Cruz released exact numbers — their reports are due next week — but Cruz released a list of financial supporters, starting with his treasurer, former Texas GOP chairman and statewide candidate George Strake Jr., of Houston. The full list is here.

Her, and Not Him

Plano Republican Florence Shapiro got three more of her colleagues in the Texas Senate to support her bid for the U.S. Senate (she's running for Kay Bailey Hutchison's seat if Hutchison quits early).

Fellow Republicans Kip Averitt of Waco, Joan Huffman of Houston, and Mike Jackson of La Porte join a list that includes 17 current and former pols who serve or served with Shapiro in the Senate. Four of her current Republican colleagues haven't signed on. Another way to look at it: Lt. Gov. David Dewhurst is undeclared but signaling that he might be in the hunt to replace Hutchison in the U.S. Senate. All but four of the 19 Republicans in the Senate — over which he presides — will be with Shapiro. The holdouts: Steve Ogden of Bryan, Dan Patrick of Houston, Jeff Wentworth of San Antonio, and Tommy Williams of The Woodlands.

Stump: Tea, and Red Meat

Gov. Rick Perry ran through a circuit of Tea parties on Independence Day; we caught his Austin speech to several hundred hot (clear skies, 102 degrees!) Texans who gathered on the South grounds of the state Capitol for a day of talks from conservative political folks. You can listen to his speech (about 10 minutes) here. Perry was also scheduled to make stops in Sulphur Springs, Rockwall, and San Antonio. TEA, in this case, stands for "Taxed Enough Already." At one stop over the weekend, Perry made a bit of news, trading endorsements with Rep. Leo Berman, R-Tyler. That means Berman, who might've drawn anti-immigration voters in a GOP primary for governor, won't be in that race. Conventional wisdom is that those conservative voters, who might or might not be in line with Perry on immigration issues, are probably in his camp on other matters. In a contest with Kay Bailey Hutchison, he can't afford to lose any votes.

Dueling Mandates

State education officials want to spend federal stimulus money on across-the-board teacher pay raises, but local school officials say federal rules bar the state from making that decision for them.

And their diverse plans have a common problem, spending one-time federal money on educator pay, an ongoing expense. Either state or local school taxpayers will have to finance those larger payrolls once the federal money is gone.

Last week, Gov. Rick Perry applied for the first part of $4 billion in federal stimulus money available for Texas education. Aides say he's been assured the state is getting the money, and soon. But some local officials are balking at the state's attempts to tell them how the federal dollars should be spent. Officials with the Texas Association of School Boards say the districts aren't against raises, but want local flexibility the state doesn't want to extend.

State officials want that money to fund $800 pay raises for teachers — salary boosts that were approved by the Legislature and signed by the governor. But the regulations around that stimulus money give the spending discretion to local school officials.

The difference, really, is that state lawmakers voted for across the board raises of at least $800 (estimates are that average educators would get raises of $900 to $1,000, depending on what districts they're in). Local officials would probably give raises, too, but would prefer, in some cases, to vary the size of the pay hikes to encourage, say, teachers in tougher schools to stay put, or to attract and retain employees. Also, the state version of the raises would only apply to "each classroom teacher, full-time speech pathologist, full-time librarian, full-time counselor, and full-time school nurse." Some districts might want to give raises to office staff, cafeteria workers, bus drivers, part-timers, and others not directly involved in educating kids.

"It's a false issue to say districts are not going to spend money on teachers," says J. David Thompson, a Houston attorney who represents school districts around the state. "... but the state is trying to jump in and add a mandate."

Officials at the Texas Education Agency say the Legislature directed school districts to spend the money on the one-size-fits-all pay raises. And they say the only decision left is whether they can do that with the federal money or have to use local funds for the raises and the federal funds for other spending. That's not exactly what the Legislature said, though. In HB 3646, lawmakers said Education Commissioner Robert Scott has to decide the federal funds can be used for pay increases before the districts can increase salaries.

Either way, TEA and the local districts are waiting to see whether federal officials will allow the stimulus money to be used for pay hikes. And the districts want to see whether the feds allow the state to tell the locals what to do. And in two years, both will be trying to figure out whether the resulting payrolls are funded by state or local taxpayers, or some combination.

Political People and Their Moves

Alberto Gonzales will teach political science at Texas Tech University next fall. The former U.S. attorney general, Texas Supreme Court Justice and Texas Secretary of State will also help the school — and Angelo State University —recruit minority students.

Ted Cruz has his campaign management in place. If he runs. The possible candidate hired John Drogin to run his campaign (which will launch if and when current AG Greg Abbott says he wants to do something else). Drogin has been doing some legislative consulting but most of his background is in politics, with U.S. Sen. John Cornyn and on the 2004 Bush reelection campaign. Jason Johnson is Cruz's general consultant; Susan Lilly is his fundraiser.

Rich Oppel Sr., former editor of the Austin American-Statesman, signed on with Public Strategies as a "senior advisor." He's not yet sure what all that entails, but it's a public affairs firm and he's got 46 years of newspapering behind him and they'll figure out something. His new office is right across the Colorado River from his old one.

John Pitts Jr. changed jobs, moving to Simple Solar as VP of development from his more general lobbying for clients including renewable energy firms. He'll stay involved in the Texas Renewable Energy Association, but will spend his time building solar projects in the U.S., Canada, and in Mexico.

Eric Johnson, who's challenging fellow Democrat Rep. Terri Hodge in Dallas' HD-100, says his campaign finance report will show contributions of $65,000.

Quotes of the Week

Gov. Rick Perry, talking to the Houston Chronicle about running for reelection while other governors are dropping out or moving on: "You know, eight years is probably enough to be governor of Minnesota. Four years may be enough to be the governor of Alaska. My deal is I still enjoy my job a great deal."

Former Travis County District Attorney Ronnie Earle, who opened a campaign account while he considers a run for state office, in the Austin American-Statesman: "I basically haven't decided whether being a candidate for governor is the best way to make Texas safer and more prosperous."

U.S. Sen. John Cornyn, R-Texas, talking to the Washington Post about the political and the economic outlook for the Obama Administration and Democrats in general: "I think they're going to have some significant problems, and I view those as opportunities for us."

State Board of Education member David Bradley, R-Beaumont, in the Houston Chronicle, on talk that Cynthia Dunbar could be the governor's pick to head the SBOE: "It would certainly cause angst among the same members of the pagan left that rejected Don McLeroy because he was a man of faith."

East Texas farmer Hank Gilbert, a toll road opponent and former agriculture commission candidate, quoted in The Dallas Morning News on the Legislature's decision not to authorize new public-private toll roads: "I am as happy as a hog taking a bath in a pond of slop. It just couldn't be no better than this."

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Texas Weekly: Volume 26, Issue 27, 13 July 2009. Ross Ramsey, Editor. Copyright 2009 by Printing Production Systems, Inc. All Rights Reserved. Reproduction in whole or in part without written permission from the publisher is prohibited. One-year online subscription: $250. For information about your subscription, call (512) 302-5703 or email biz@texasweekly.com. For news, email ramsey@texasweekly.com, or call (512) 288-6598.

U.S. Sen. Kay Bailey Hutchison says she raised $6.7 million during the first six months of the year for a race for governor against incumbent Rick Perry. Hutchison said she raised more money during six months than any state candidate other than George W. Bush. Her total compares to Perry's total of $4.2 million. The difference: His was collected in the last nine days of the finance period and hers came in over six months. Perry and other state officeholders are barred from raising money during a legislative session, for the month before one, and for the three weeks that follow a session. Hutchison's account now has a total of $12.5 million in it. More than half of what she has raised, she raised for her federal account as a U.S. Senator. Hutchison primed the gubernatorial fund by moving $8 million from the federal account to the state account around the first of this year. More summer fun ahead: Hutchison said at her Dallas press conference that she's ending her exploratory campaign, and make "a formal announcement" about her bid for governor next month. Hutchison's campaign said more than 6,500 people gave to her campaign, that 98 percent of the contributions came from Texans, that 80 percent of her donors gave $500 or less, and that 1,000 of the contributors gave online. Perry announced his totals last week (details for both are due at the Texas Ethics Commission this week): He raised $4.2 million and ended the period with $9.4 million in the bank. That puts the two about $3 million apart as the race gets underway.

With the legislative session out of sight and mind, bloggers are revving up coverage of campaigns for the governor's office on down. They're also talking about a limelight-loving congresswoman, the first Hispanic U.S. Attorney General, a former University of Texas regent and people who blog. Finishing it off is an expose on the Houston Airport and other news.

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Trail Writing

Gov. Rick Perry flaunted some impressive fundraising numbers at about the same time a couple of UT professors released a poll showing him up 11 points on U.S. Sen. Kay Bailey Hutchison, who's keeping her cash closer to the vest for now.

Texans for Rick Perry says the UT Poll shows they've got "Momentum." Brains and Eggs predicts that Hutchison will give up the governorship and stick to the U.S. Senate, but if not, Perry will appoint Attorney General Greg Abbott to her seat (rather than Lt. Gov. David Dewhurst).

"I find Perry's lead to be quite believable. Hutchison is running the worst campaign imaginable," BurkaBlog reacts. "Rick Perry is a cyborg, built for the base. That is his narrative; that is who he is," according to Burnt Orange Report. "I have to agree... If this race is about who wants it more, who will work harder, and all of those cliches, Rick will win," says Rick vs. Kay.

Burnt Orange charts the results of polls pitting Hutchison and Perry head-to-head, noting that Undecided/Other is trending upward at the expense of Hutchison. Meanwhile, Code Red checks out some of the "other" gubernatorial candidates, Republican Debra Medina, Republican Larry Kilgore, and Democrat Kinky Friedman. And Letters from Texas has some advice for reporters: Stop covering ceremonial bill signings by Gov. Perry.

The Dallas Morning News' Trail Blazers talks with strategist Mark McKinnon about the assistance he gave — and didn't — to former Alaska Gov. Sarah Palin during the presidential campaign he said he'd stay out of. Meanwhile, U.S. Sen. John Cornyn seems to be having a hard time winning over certain segments of the population, according to the Austin Chronicle's newsdesk. And RightWingSparkle profiles Railroad Commissioner and U.S. Senate explorer Michael Williams for Texas Magazine.

North Texas Conservative has video of former Solicitor General Ted Cruz speaking at an East Texas TEA party. The blogger believes Cruz can supply the GOP with needed leadership, perhaps as attorney general. The Austin American-Statesman's Postcards looks at people with money who are thinking the same way. And Republican Lisa Ruby Ryan wants Dan Branch's job if the Dallas Rep. moves on to something different, like a campaign for attorney general, Trail Blazers says.

Austinist says that Democratic congressional candidate Lainey Melnick, who's running against U.S. Rep. Lamar Smith, made a very poor first impression on potential supporters when a glitch spewed out dozens of identical campaign emails.

Talk about a long-term campaign strategy: There's a dating website called Ron Paul Singles for fans of the quixotic congressman seeking like-minded libertarians, according to Trail Blazers. And it tickled the Fort Worth Star-Telegram's PoliTex's funny bone to see Paul's cameo in the new Bruno movie.

Capitol Annex says he's going to expose the State Board of Education's panel of experts, while Millard Fillmore's Bathtub reviews recommendations on social studies curricula. And ABC13's Prof13 has a three-parter on the U.S. Census and redistricting, going over the history of the Voting Rights Act, a less white and more urban Texas and the addition of two city council seats in Houston.

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HERstory

Trail Blazers can't believe their TV. "Is that Sheila Jackson Lee speaking at the Michael Jackson memorial service?" they ask. "That's definitely our Sheila," Greg's Opinion says. "I was just sitting there, enjoyin my afternoon coffee along with the Michael Jackson funeral, when it all came crashin down for me," says Brazosport News.

Jackson Lee's proposed U.S. House resolution honoring Jackson contained 44 "whereas" clauses, notes the Houston Press's Hair Balls. According to a commenter, Jackson Lee has drawn at least one possible opponent, lawyer Sean Roberts.

The Houston Chronicle's Texas on the Potomac has a cartoon, reports and statements about Jackson Lee, and links to a CQPolitics article on the ubiquitous congresswoman by a former Potomac writer. Here's a photo of Jackson during a 2004 visit to Jackson Lee's D.C. office, via PoliTex. And Hair Balls wins Headline of the Week award for a post showing Jackson Lee's notoriety on Twitter.com, titled, "Funeral, Cameras: Yep, Sheila Jackson Lee Is In The House."

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Tech Show

Letters from Texas gives a sneak peek of the syllabus for the Texas Tech class to be taught by former U.S. Attorney General Alberto Gonzales. Postcards has more, factual, information. Apparently, Gonzales considers the position "a one-year gig," Tex Parte Blog says.

"I guess it shouldn't come as a surprise that the school that hired Bobby Knight as its basketball coach would be willing to offer employment to another controversial public figure," says Texas Observer Blog.

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Lowell Lebermann

The Statesman's Out & About blog has a two-parter featuring remembrances of former UT regent Lowell Lebermann, here and here. And Texas "Off the Record" remembers participating in the '64 state representative campaign by Lebermann.

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Bloggers Guild

Eye on Williamson's newest blogger introduces himself — he's your run-of-the-mill English doctorate holding, law school graduating, progressive Mormon. Meanwhile, a kinder and gentler muckraker lets readers know he's OK a year after leaving Texas. And Off the Record insists that he's still an active member of the working class, contrary to a headline in the local newspaper.

A reporter for Howard Stern (apparently Stern has reporters) interviewed a Texas Watchdog blogger about private prison firm GEO Group and its lobbying. Life at the Harris County Criminal Justice Center isn't at the center anymore but promises to keep on blogging. And Ellis County Observer hangs a Help Wanted sign up for writers in Midlothian desiring to take on sacred cows and such.

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"Shadowy Web"

Watchdog has written a series of stories detailing "the Houston Airport System's connection to a shadowy web of companies." Click here for synopses and here to get to all the entries.

Grits for Breakfast looks at how $90 million in federal stimulus funds to fight crime are being distributed. The money, in the form of Byrne grants, is flowing about half-and-half through regional councils of governments and through the governor's office directly. Also from Grits, a bill that ended the "life without parole" sentencing option for juveniles. And Texas Prison Bid'ness looks back at legislation concerning the private prison business.

Tex Parte looks at a complicated case decided by the Texas Supreme Court involving the Employees Retirement System of Texas. Grits spends time with families of sex offenders who want Texas laws changed. And Texas Kaos relays a "Wanna get away?" moment experienced by Fox and Friends' Gretchen Carlson as co-host Brian Kilmeade waxes on about the advantages of pure Nordic genes.

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This edition of Out There was compiled and written by Patrick Brendel, who hails from Victoria but is semi-settled in Austin. We cherry-pick the state's political blogs each week, looking for news, info, gossip, and new jokes. The opinions here belong (mostly) to the bloggers, and we're including their links so you can hunt them down if you wish. Our blogroll — the list of Texas blogs we watch — is on our links page, and if you know of a Texas political blog that ought to be on it, just shoot us a note. Please send comments, suggestions, gripes or retorts to Texas Weekly editor Ross Ramsey.

Sen. Rodney Ellis wants Attorney General Greg Abbott to say whether the governor has the power to grant a posthumous pardon.

Gov. Rick Perry says he doesn't have that power and that an opinion from former Attorney General Waggoner Carr says as much. Ellis asked the Texas Legislative Council for its opinion and got back a one-word answer — "possibly" — followed by a long explanation. Now he's asking Abbott for a modern opinion and says he's checking to see whether this will require a constitutional amendment. Ellis (with others) wants Perry to pardon Timothy Cole, who died in prison in 1999, serving time for a rape he did not commit.

House Speaker Joe Straus raised $721,050 during the last days of June and will report $1.2 million in the bank in his report this week.

Those were the first contributions he's accepted as speaker; he was elected to that job just as the legislative session started, and state officeholders can't raise campaign money during a legislative session, during the month that precedes one, and the three weeks that follow.

Straus says he's got reelection pledges from 123 members of the House — 62 Republicans and 61 Democrats. That's well over the 76 he has to have, but it's also hypothetical. Not all of those members are sure to return next session, and the Republicans have to hold the majority in the House in the 2010 elections to hand on to the high chair and the corner office.

Jones, Combs, Cole, and Watson

Elizabeth Ames Jones says she raised $356,000 during the third quarter, bringing her total contributions for the year to date to $563,000. Jones, who's on the Texas Railroad Commission, is running for U.S. Senate (on the assumption that Kay Bailey Hutchison will quit to run for governor and open the job). She says her cash-on-hand in the report she's filing with the federal government will total $443,000.

Comptroller Susan Combs says she raised $512,076 during the last days of June and will file a campaign report this week that shows a bank balance of $3.8 million. She might get to keep a lot of it: No reelection opponents have appeared yet.

Jon Cole, a Republican running for the House in HD-67, says he'll have $103,553 on hand when he reports his campaign finances to the Texas Ethics Commission on Wednesday. That, he says, is roughly what he spent getting 48 percent of the vote in 2008. The incumbent in that district is Rep. Jerry Madden, R-Richardson.

And Sen. Kirk Watson put out a statement to keep up with all this disclosure about cash on hand in campaign reports. His: "It's $1,436,000, mas o menos."

Democratic gubernatorial candidate Tom Schieffer raised "almost $800,000 in contributions and loans" since first announcing his interest in the race on March 2.

Schieffer raised $505,842.84, got a $200,000 loan from former U.S. Ambassador Lyndon Olson Jr. of Waco, and spent $73,953 of his own money on the effort, bringing the total to $779,795. Unlike everybody else who's floating numbers, Schieffer included copies of his full reports. There are two: Here, and here. Schieffer's numbers are dwarfed by those of the GOP candidates. Rick Perry raised $4.2 million and Kay Bailey Hutchison raised $6.7 million. But he doesn't have to run in that primary; what'll count there is what the winning Democrat and the winning Republican show in their accounts a year from now. More important to Schieffer: Whether this report shows enough strength to keep other Democrats from jumping into the primary against him. So far, it's him, Kinky Friedman, and Mark Thompson. Schieffer's totals are behind those for Perry and Hutchison, and also for down-ballot Republicans like Dan Branch and Ted Cruz, who are preparing runs for attorney general and who each broke the $1 million mark.

Gov. Rick Perry raised $4.2 million in nine days. There was a weekend in there, so there are seven days of deposits from the end of June into the Guv's tank. How it went, according to his report:

June 22: $62,010

June 23: $277,350

June 24: $747,715

June 25: $783,483

June 26: $230,533

June 29: $558,035

June 30: $1,571,959

State candidates can't take money for a month before a legislative session, during the session, and for the three weeks that follow. On the first day after the blackout, Perry's campaign took in $1,033 every hour (using a 24-hour clock). On the last day before the deadline, the hourly take was up to $26,199.

While announcing her numbers earlier this week, U.S. Sen. Kay Bailey Hutchison accused Perry of soliciting donations during the session but not collecting them until it was over.

"It has been said, 'Well, the governor raised $4 million in 10 days.' That is not the case," Hutchison said in a Dallas press conference broadcast over her campaign website. "We both had six months. We were both asking for commitments. We were both asking for money."

Perry spokesman Mark Miner flatly called her a liar, and Hutchison hasn't offered any evidence to back her claim that Perry was soliciting contributions during the session (which is illegal).

U.S. Senate hopefuls report their campaign finances while they want to see if and when they're running.

Florence Shapiro says she raised $100,000 in the last week of June for her U.S. Senate bid. Since that's a federal race, she wasn't bound by the state prohibition on fundraising by officeholders during the legislative session. Shapiro, a Republican state senator, decided to observe the ban anyway.

Houston Mayor Bill White raised $1 million and added $821,000 of his own money to his U.S. Senate campaign during the three months ending June 30. He's one of two Democrats in that pack of candidates.

Roger Williams, a Republican and the former Texas Secretary of State, says he got to the mid-year point with $727,597 in the bank after raising $471,969 during the last three months. That income number includes a $50,000 loan from the candidate, which brings his total loan amount so far to $250,000.

Railroad Commissioner Michael Williams raised $225,000 during the second quarter for that U.S. Senate race. His campaign says nearly a quarter of the money they've brought in was raised on the Internet.

Attorney General Greg Abbott raised more money in the last days of June than anyone not running for governor.

He raised $1.2 million and ended the first half of the year with $9.4 million in the bank. By comparison, Kay Bailey Hutchison got to June 30 with $12.5 million in the bank. Gov. Rick Perry had $9.4. There's some rounding in there, but if you're looking for the edge, give it to Abbott. His treasury has about $22,000 more in it than Perry's.

Abbott's look at a run for lieutenant governor next year, on the theory that David Dewhurst will leave that post to run for U.S. Senate.

The U.S. Supreme Court cracked open the door for Texas political units smaller than counties to escape mandatory federal oversight of elections-related actions.

Since last month's decision in Northwest Austin Municipal Utility District Number One vs. Holder, at least one Texas entity has sought an attorney about bailing out of Section Five of the Voting Rights Act. However, people shouldn't expect an immediate swarm of lawsuits from cities and school districts trying to opt out of the law, says Bennett Sandlin, general counsel of the Texas Municipal League.

"Bailing out is arguably more of a burden than just old-fashioned preclearance is. It's doubtful this is a big revolutionary thing for Texas cities," says Sandlin, whose organization represents 90 percent of the state's municipalities.

The State of Texas' still has to seek permission from the U.S. Department of Justice before enacting redistricting plans or voter photo identification laws or other voting law changes. Section Five targets all or part of 16 states (including Texas) that have a documented history of racial discrimination at the polls.

Before the Supremes' ruling, it was unclear whether political entities that do not register voters have the option to bail out of Section Five, even though they must obtain federal preclearance before doing things like moving polling places or changing terms of office.

The justices' narrow ruling ducked the constitutional challenge to Section Five brought by the MUD, though their opinion contains criticisms of the provision. In a lone dissent, Justice Clarence Thomas said that section is no longer necessary, unfairly singles out certain parts of the country, and should be abolished.

"For Texas, the real implication is that the way the bailout statute was being interpreted, it left all of Texas covered without anybody really being able to bail out at all, which creates the impression that there's been no achievement or advancement in Texas over the last 30 years. And that's just not true," says Greg Coleman, lead counsel for the MUD and a partner in Houston firm Yetter, Warden and Coleman.

He's hopeful the ruling signals a change ahead. "It's a warning to Congress and maybe in fact to the Department of Justice saying, 'We'd like to see if you can make this bailout function work as we have now interpreted the bailout statute,'" Coleman says.

Others say the ruling lends flexibility to the law needed to withstand future challenges.

"The recent decision affirmed Section Five and affirmed that voting subdivisions in covered jurisdictions do continue to have to get preclearance from the federal government," says Lisa Graybill, legal director at the American Civil Liberties Union of Texas. "It extended the opt-out options to even smaller political subdivisions like the MUD."

The Texas ACLU intervened in the MUD case on behalf of an African American individual living in the district, arguing to keep Section Five.

Since the institution of the current bailout process in 1982, only 17 political units in the U.S. (all counties in Virginia) have successfully bailed out. Then again, those are the only entities that have ever sought to bail out from the provision.

Voting rights attorney J. Gerald Hebert was the lawyer for all 17 counties, none of which were exceptional, he says.

"The process isn't very burdensome. Actually, I wrote a brief on behalf of seven of the counties describing how easy it was," Hebert says.

Those seven counties reported the average cost to bail out was less than $5,000. That includes proving the clean records of all the political subunits contained in each county, he says. The cost of bailing out would presumably fluctuate according to the size of the political unit and the number of subunits within it.

Compared to Texas, Virginia has a simpler governmental structure that does not involve as many political subunits, making it much easier for Virginia counties to succeed in opting out, Coleman says.

Since the Supreme Court's ruling, two political subunits (smaller than counties) have approached Hebert about seeking to bail out from Section Five. One — which he wouldn't identify — is in Texas.

Officials and attorneys from several small governmental entities have also broached the topic with Coleman, he says.

Sandlin had been unaware of Hebert's figures; still, he doubts that many municipalities will take advantage of the option to bail out. He says that 900 of Texas' 1,200 cities do not have local districts (and hence do not undertake redistricting), do not change election laws regularly and consequently do not have to apply for federal preclearance very often. (Add one more: This week, a federal judge ruled the City of Irving has to adopt single member districts for council elections because it's current system violates the VRA.)

"Right off the bat, most small cities won't do a bailout or opt out, because they don't ever go to the Department of Justice or do it once a decade," he says.

In 2006, Congress extended the VRA for 25 years, promising to revisit the act in 2016. Since the extension, the Justice Department has expressed objections to three Texas entities: to a Houston-area junior college district in 2006 regarding polling locations, to the State of Texas in 2008 regarding candidate qualifications for freshwater supply districts and to Gonzales County in March 2009 regarding bilingual election procedures. (Additionally, in 2006 the courts rejected portions of the 2003 congressional redistricting plan.)

That means if Texas and its thousands of political subunits maintain perfect voting rights records starting now, the earliest that Texas as a state could escape from Section Five's preclearance requirements is 2019 — two years before it's due to redraw congressional, statehouse and other political maps.

—by a Texas Weekly correspondent

The financial outlook is mixed for incumbent House members in potential swing districts.We looked at the fortunes of representatives whose constituents like to vote for the opposing party (according to the Texas Weekly Index) and picked out who's sitting pretty and who's just sitting.

Campaign finance reports aren't crystal balls, but a mountain of money can scare away potential competitors, while an empty bank account can be taken as a sign of weakness.

Leading the first category are Reps. Allan Ritter, D-Nederland, Jim McReynolds, D-Lufkin, and Linda Harper-Brown, R-Irving, (whose district has a TWI of 8.3 in the GOP's favor, making it the most Democratic House District represented by a Republican).

Ritter reports having more than $208,000 on hand. That's up from about $150,000 this period two years ago. McReynolds has $90,000 cash-on-hand, up from $51,000 in July 2007. And Harper-Brown also has about $90,000, more than tripling her $25,000 total in July 2007.

In the most Republican House district held by a Democrat, Rep. Chuck Hopson, D-Jacksonville, reports having a respectable $67,000, up from his $37,000 in 2007.

The other blueberries in the tomato soup, Reps. David Farabee, D-Wichita Falls, and Joe Heflin, D-Crosbyton, whose districts have TWIs of more than 30 in the GOP's favor, aren't swimming in cash but have more than they did in 2007. Farabee reports $49,000 (up from $39,000 in 2007), while Heflin has $28,000 (up from $21,000 two years ago).

A quartet of Democrats and Republicans made the four-figure portion of our list. Rep. Mark Homer, D-Paris, (whose district has a TWI nearly identical to Ritter's) reports having less than $6,000. That's less than 5 percent of the $129,000 he counted in 2007. Of that total from two years ago, $125,000 was loan money.

Homer has been in office for more than a decade. The other cellar dwellers were freshmen during the 2009 session. Rep. Tim Kleinschmidt, R-Lexington, only has $1,600 so far, but that's a few hundred bucks more than he had two years ago. Rep. Ken Legler, R-Pasadena, has less than $5,000, and Rep. Angie Chen Button, R-Garland, has just shy of $9,000. Button had $73,000 in the bank at the end of 2007, when she filed her first ethics report.

—by a Texas Weekly Correspondent

[Updated] Rep. Ismael "Kino" Flores, D-Palmview, has been indicted on charges he hid sources of income, gifts, real estate holdings and other information from his legally required personal financial disclosure forms. Travis County District Attorney announced the indictments on Friday afternoon, saying the grand jury handed up six different indictments — each relating to a different year — containing 16 counts of tampering with a government record and three counts of perjury. Flores, reached by phone, said he had not yet seen the indictments and had no immediate comment. His attorney, Roy Minton, said he was "not impressed" by the indictments. "Almost everything they allege is failure to report income," he said. Minton said misreporting on personal financial forms is a common mistake and one that shouldn't have led to an indictment. "Never have I had an indictment on a guy [in this situation]," he said. "Now they do it to a Hispanic from the Valley. I'm really sorry they did it." Minton said Flores will file a not guilty plea and said he expects to go to trial on the charges sometime in the fall. Travis County DA Rosemary Lehmberg described the indictments this way in a press release:

"The income that Flores failed to disclose exceeded $152,000 in 2004, $125,000 in 2005, $115,000 in 2006, $135,000 in 2007, $185,000 in 2008 and $135,000 in 2009. One count also alleges that he failed to disclose income a dependant child received from HillCo Partners, an Austin lobby firm. The real estate and sales of property that he is alleged to have failed to disclose include a lot in Hidalgo County, a cabin on the inter-coastal waterway in Cameron County, a small ranch in Hidalgo County, a residence in Mission, a condominium in Austin, land in Bastrop County and a residence in Austin. The indictments also allege that he failed to disclose certain gifts, including trips on a plane owned by the LaMantia family in 2007 and an ownership interest in a racehorse given to a dependent child by a lobbyist in 2004."

Flores later issued a statement:

"When I was first elected to represent my constituents, I took an oath to uphold the laws and ethics rules of this great state. At no point during my public service have I intentionally or knowingly violated any state law or rule. So today, I am extremely disappointed that the Travis county public integrity unit has decided to hand out an indictment against me after a lengthy investigation into my personal and political dealings. Today's indictment concerns a number of reports that were allegedly incomplete. Throughout this entire investigation, I have fully cooperated and have disclosed any evidence required of me. Moving forward, it is my intent to continue my cooperation in order to bring closure to this matter. I hope that I receive the support of my constituents throughout this unfortunate event and ask that they reserve judgment until I have my day in court. I can assure you that I will fight as hard as I do for District 36 to clear my name. My family and I ask for your thoughts and prayers during this tumultuous time."

You can see the press release and all six indictments here.

Karen Hughes and Gordon Johnson are going to work as "strategic counselors" to Texas House Speaker Joe Straus.

Hughes is a former U.S. Ambassador, counselor to President George W. Bush and spokeswoman for then-Gov. Bush. She's now an exec with Burson-Marsteller. Johnson is an Austin lawyer and lobbyist; he'll drop his lobbying clients to keep Straus out of hot water on that front. Both he and Hughes will be employed by Texans for Joe Straus and not for the State of Texas.

Rob Johnson, chief of staff to Lt. Gov. David Dewhurst, will leave that job to run Gov. Rick Perry's reelection campaign.Perry is gearing up for a race against challenger and U.S. Sen. Kay Bailey Hutchison. Both are using imported talent at the top: Her campaign manager, Rick Wiley, is from Wisconsin. Johnson is from Arkansas (and Perry's lead consultant, Dave Carney, is from New Hampshire). Perry also named a number of other staffers: Kevin Lindley will be campaign director; he'd been at the Republican Party of Texas. Krystle Kirchmeyer Alvarado, who worked on Perry's 2002 and 2006 campaigns, will be finance director. David White, whose most recent employer was Rep. Wayne Christian, R-Center, will be political director. And Sarah Floerke, who's been Perry's director of community affairs, will be the campaigns organization director. Johnson ran Dewhurst's last campaign, but this might keep him out of the next one. Dewhurst could be a candidate for U.S. Senate within the next year, if Hutchison decides to quit early — as she's told supporters she'll do — and if Dewhurst decides to run for what would then be an open seat. Barring that, he's up for reelection in 2010. Either way, he's gonna need someone to fill Johnson's shoes.

Republican Attorney General candidate Ted Cruz popped out a list of supporters — separate from the list of donors he plugged recently. His list:

Statewide Leadership Team

Cathie Adams, Texas Eagle Forum, president; RNC National Committeewoman

Ernie Angelo, former RNC national committeeman; former Mayor of Midland

David Barton, Wallbuilders, president; former vice chairman, Republican Party of Texas

Penny Butler, former RNC national committeewoman

George P. Bush, Maverick PAC of Texas

Victor Carrillo, chairman, Texas Railroad Commission

Kaye Goolsby, former vice president, Texas Federation of Republican Women; Texans for Ted Cruz, Statewide Grassroots chairman

Tim Lambert, Texas Home School Coalition, president

Denise McNamara, Former RNC national committeewoman

Joe Pojman, Texas Alliance for Life, executive director

Jonathan Saenz, Liberty Legal Institute, director of legislative affairs

Kelly Shackelford, Free Market Foundation, president

George Strake Jr., former chairman of the Republican Party of Texas; former Secretary of State of Texas; Texans for Ted Cruz, treasurer

Michael Quinn Sullivan, Texans for Fiscal Responsibility, president

Peggy Venable, Americans for Prosperity Texas, director

Kyleen Wright, Texans for Life Coalition, president

 

National Leadership Team

Bill Barr, former Attorney General of the United States

Paul Clement, former Solicitor General of the United States

Jessica Colón, immediate past president of the Young Republican National Federation

Chris DeMuth, American Enterprise Institute, former president; Regulation magazine, former editor-in-chief

Tim Goeglein, Focus on the Family Action, vice president; former deputy director, White House Office of Public Liaison

C. Boyden Gray, former U.S. Ambassador to the European Union; former White House counsel; former chairman, Citizens for a Sound Economy

Edwin Meese III, Heritage Foundation, Ronald Reagan Distinguished Fellow in Public Policy; former Attorney General of the United States

Dan McConchie, Americans United for Life, vice president for government affairs

Ted Olson, former Solicitor General of the United States

Victor Schwartz, American Tort Reform Association, general counsel; co-chair, Civil Justice Task Force, American Legislative Exchange Council (ALEC)

Jay Sekulow, American Center for Law and Justice (ACLJ), chief counsel

Dick Thornburgh, former Attorney General of the United States; former Governor of Pennsylvania

Democrat John Sharp picked up a couple of high-profile endorsements in Bill White's back yard.Harris County Commissioners Sylvia Garcia and El Franco Lee say they'll support Sharp for U.S. Senate. Sharp and White are both raising money for a special election to that seat, anticipating the resignation of U.S. Sen. Kay Bailey Hutchison, who's gearing up for a GOP primary challenge to Gov. Rick Perry. Sharp, the former comptroller, and White, the current mayor of Houston, are both Democrats. Several Republicans have expressed interest in Hutchison's spot, including Lt. Gov. David Dewhurst, state Sen. Florence Shapiro of Plano, former Texas Secretary of State Roger Williams, and Railroad Commissioners Elizabeth Ames Jones and Michael Williams. If Hutchison resigns to make the governor's race, Perry would appoint someone to hold the job until a special election. That special could land almost anywhere on the calendar; unless the governor calls an emergency, it would be on a regular election date in November or May (not on the same day as the party primaries, though). If he declares an emergency — a declaration, by the way, that is based simply on what the governor wants to do — the election could land on another date. Hutchison has told supporters she plans to quit early but hasn't announced that publicly. The conventional wisdom in political circles is that she'll make that announcement in October.

Gov. Rick Perry and U.S. Sen. Kay Bailey Hutchison — running against each other in next year's GOP primary for governor — released spreadsheets of the big game they caught in their initial hunt for campaign money for that contest. Each had a bunch of familiar Texas names topping the lists.

You can download a spreadsheet here with each candidate's donor list (in slightly different formats, just as they delivered them to us). Some highlights:

 

Big Bucks for Perry

$225,000: Mica Mosbacher of Houston.

$100,000: m/m Thomas Friedkin of Houston, The Gallagher Law Firm of Houston, m/m B. "Red" McCombs of San Antonio, m/m Gary Petersen of Houston, m/m Bob Perry of Houston, m/m George "Brint" Ryan of Dallas, and m/m Harold Simmons of Dallas.

$75,000: m/m L. Simmons of Houston.

$50,000: AT&T Texas PAC, Border Health PAC, Phil Adams of Bryan, m/m Moshe Azoulay of Dallas, Johnny Baker of Houston, m/m Lee Bass of Fort Worth, m/m Mike Curb of Nashville, TN, m/m James Dondero of Dallas, m/m Dan Duncan of Houston, m/m J. Ellis Jr. of Irving, m/m Tilman Fertitta of Houston, m/m Paul Foster of El Paso, Stevan Hammond of Dallas, m/m H. Heavin of Gatesville, m/m Steve Hicks of Austin, m/m Thomas Hicks of Dallas, Peter Holt of Blanco, m/m Woody Hunt of El Paso, m/m Mickey Long of Midland, m/m Larry Martin of Houston, m/m L. Mays of San Antonio, James Moffett of New Orleans, LA, m/m S. Morian of Houston, m/m Gene Phillips of Dallas, James Pitcock Jr. of Houston, Joe Sanderson Jr. of Laurel, MS, James Schneider of Austin, m/m Michael Shaw of Denver, CO, Rick Sheldon of Waco, Robert Stillwell of Houston, m/m Kenny Troutt of Dallas, m/m Robert Waltrip of Houston, and m/m Charles Wood Jr. of Dallas.

 

Big Bucks for Hutchison

$100,000: John Adams of Dallas, Hushang Ansary of Houston, D. Andrew Beal of Plano, Tim Byrne of Dallas, Ray Hunt of Dallas, Nancy Kinder of Houston, Drayton McLane of Temple, Dick Moncrief of Fort Worth, Mike Myers of Dallas, John Nau of Houston, Robert Rowling of Irving, and Charles Tate of Houston.

$75,000: Ned Holmes of Houston.

$50,000: Louis Beecherl of Dallas, J. Robert Brown of El Paso, Dan Duncan of Houston, James Flores of Houston, Robert Gillikin of Dallas, Joe Long of Austin, Erle Nye of Dallas, James Perkins of Tyler, H. Ross Perot of Plano, Fayez Sarofim of Houston.

$40,000: Harlan Crow of Dallas.

(Note: m/m is Mr./Mrs.)

Lubbock and Tyler races ahead

Put Lubbock attorney Zach Brady on your watch list — he's filed papers and is considering a challenge to Rep. Delwin Jones in next year's Republican primary. Brady says he hasn't made up his mind whether he'll pull the trigger or not, but says, "West Texas is out-numbered in Austin, and people who care about the area have to play hard... Mr. Jones doesn't play hard anymore."

Rep. Leo Berman, R-Tyler, has a fight on his hands. After he said he wanted to run for governor, former Tyler Mayor Joey Seeber got into that race. Berman's not running for governor, but Seeber's staying in. And the challenger says he raised $50,000 in cash and pledges between June 19 and June 30.