Written But Not Read

Some 14,000 true believers will congregate in Dallas for the state Republican convention on Friday and Saturday for a biennial ritual where, among other duties, they will attempt to distill the soul of the Texas GOP into a party platform — the manifesto intended as the ideal vision for the future of the Texas GOP.

Just don’t ask them all to agree on it. If they did, “it'd be a very dull convention and a very short document," says Land Commissioner Jerry Patterson.

Other than electing a party chairman, developing a platform will be the main event at what is the largest political convention in the nation. This isn’t year of a presidential election, so delegates won’t even have the selection of their national representatives to the convention to distract them. But for all the vigorous discussion on the convention floor, how closely do the standard-bearers of the party — the elected officials — actually follow it?

Most will say the platform is a guide, not a yoke, and carefully avoid saying exactly which parts they disagree with. It represents “the consensus of the majority of the party that are there and voting; it's not the consensus of every Republican in the state,” says Patterson.

Still, convention attendees make up the party’s most unwavering supporters: In the words of state Sen. Dan Patrick, R-Houston, they are the “salt of the earth, rock-solid backbone of who we are.” Every statewide Republican elected official will be there to court them at a two-day gathering with photo-ops, ice cream socials and cowboy boot raffles (that’s at Agriculture Commissioner Todd Staples’ booth) that verges on becoming a GOP-themed carnival. They are the elements of the Republican populace who truly care.

"I'm trying not to say yelling matches, but I’ve gotten into energetic debates,” says Chris DeCluitt, a State Republican Executive Committee member from Waco, who give or take a few years for graduate school, has attended every convention since 1988. “Luckily, they did not include much profanity," he says, adding, “I don't know anyone that doesn't have a disagreement with something in the platform.”

The document lays out positions on issues that range from the GOP’s bread-and-butter, like limited government and abortion, to the finer points of parliamentary procedure, like the Rosebush-Blocker (a bill set first in the Senate lineup so that a two-thirds vote is required to consider other legislation out of order; the GOP doesn't like it because it empowers the minority party), and those less pertinent to a state party’s plank, like foreign policy.

A sampling of the sundry subjects addressed in 2008, the last time the Republican Party of Texas met: the AIDS/HIV crisis (“All people, no matter what disease they may contract, are worthy of deep respect as humans; however, behavior has personal and social consequences”); affirmative action (“racism disguised as social virtue”); the Boy Scouts (we “reject any attempt to undermine or fundamentally change the ideals of the organization); and Internet taxation (they oppose it).

Staples calls the platform a “useful tool” for voters to determine which party most aligns with their beliefs, but says the electorate should judge candidates on their “individual positions” and what “they're going to do for this state or their district.”

Patterson says that though he largely agrees with the platform, he depends on his own philosophy to govern: “My principles guide my policies more than the party platform.”

Some Republican office-holders, like Attorney General Greg Abbott, don’t even read it. Though he’s elected on a partisan basis, Abbott notes his job “is to focus on ways to better protect the people here in the state of Texas and enforce the laws” — and doing that is not “focused on any particular platform.”

Russ Duerstine, an SREC member from San Angelo, says it’s not “reasonable” to expect Republican candidates to be in lockstep with the platform, “but it is a matter of degree as to how far off they are that starts causing friction.”

That “friction” may be what some conservative activists who believe opting in to the platform should be less-than-voluntary seek to avoid. As evidence of this, Peggy Venable, who directs the Texas Chapter of the anti-government spending group Americans for Prosperity, points to the resolutions introduced to require candidates to pledge their support of every aspect of the platform, calling it a “litmus test.”

Venable says she doesn’t think the platform has enough influence on Republican officeholders and that they too often compromise “policy for politics” to get elected. “Frankly, after the last national election, I think it's so much more important," she says, “Republican voters very loudly said they thought that elected officials on the Republican ticket had not adhered to the conservative values and principles in the platform.”

A concern that Republicans have strayed from the party platform prompted Patrick to form the “Independent Conservative Republicans of Texas,” a group made up of members of the Texas House and Senate who’ve promised to adhere to a five-part contract. But even though Patrick says he takes it “very seriously,” he looks at the platform adopted at the conventions more as a “guiding document.”

For his part, Patterson disagrees with the notion that any kind of litmus test should be required for Republican candidates. “There is a test, and it's called the primary,” he says, “That's the test, and that's the only test that counts. If someone is elected and is so far removed from the platform, then I doubt that they're going to win a primary.” With his primary win in hand, Patterson he knows he’s “already got all the votes there,” and says he attends the convention mostly to say thanks to the GOP's most ardent supporters.

According to DeCluitt, the convention may hold something else in store for elected officials like Patterson. He says they will find out “just how riled up not only people from their own district are, but the people from around the state." And he hopes that when they see that, they'll "understand that the people that are there, the Republican Party is watching how the officeholders do their jobs and will hold them responsible for their actions.”

The Color of Money

The Texas Democratic Party won Thursday's battle against the Green Party — but the war isn't over yet. A Travis County District Court judge granted a temporary restraining order that will prevent the Green Party from certifying any candidates for the November ballot for the next 14 days. The big question is whether the Green Party's use of out-of-state money to gather the more then 92,000 signatures it submitted to get on the ballot (well above the 44,000 necessary) violates state law. Democrats fear that the Green Party's resurgence is a GOP-fueled effort to peel away Democratic votes.

The Dallas Morning News broke the story that the charge to get the Greens on the ballot was led by Arizona-based GOP consultant Tim Mooney. It was funded by Take Initiative America, a Missouri group, and conducted by a firm in Chicago. TDP General Counsel Chad Dunn said, "The public should view this as a victory for fair elections." Ultimately, he said, his goal is to expose a "conspiracy between Dave Carney and Tim Mooney," the former being a prominent advisor to Republican Gov. Rick Perry.

In a press release that traced Carney’s ties to a group that Mooney ran to collect signatures for Green Party presidential candidate Ralph Nader in 2004, Democratic consultant Matt Angle called for Perry to fire Carney, saying, “Carney has worked directly with the Republican operatives who conceived and managed the Green Party ballot scam. Perry and Carney’s failure to disclose their connection to the scam is inexcusable. Both have betrayed the trust of Texas voters.”

Perry's campaign has said that the governor was not involved and has no knowledge of the Green Party's efforts. "Who is Matt Angle?" said Perry spokesman Mark Miner. "He would better serve his party by getting his candidate to apologize to the people of Texas for steering business to a company he profited off of during Hurricane Rita instead of making wild allegations."

The court will revisit the issue at a hearing set for 9 a.m. on June 24. In the meantime, Dunn says he will be in the discovery process getting to the bottom of what he referred to as "this Republican Rick Perry conspiracy."

The Other Other Party

The Texas GOP isn’t the only party having a ball this weekend. The Libertarian Party of Texas is hosting its own convention where the party will select its nominee to challenge Democrat Bill White and incumbent Rick Perry for governor this November. The field of five includes Jeff Daiell, Steve Nichols, Ed Tidwell, Smitty Smit and Katherine Youngblood Glass.

Highlights of the three-day event at the Austin Midtown Holiday Inn include a luncheon where Kinky Friedman, the 2006 independent candidate for governor and 2010 Democratic candidate for agriculture commissioner, will talk about his ventures into state politics and also plug his latest book, Heroes of a Texas Childhood. Other guests include Dr. Mary Ruwart, the party’s 2008 candidate for the Libertarian presidential nomination, who will discuss the government’s impact on healthcare; author Tarrin Lupo and John Bush from Texans for Accountable Government.

The group will also nominate party officers and adopt its rules.

On the Job Training

The current list of former state officeholders who are now registered lobbyists totals 65 by our count, a list that includes a trio of former speakers, 48 who served only in the House, three who served only in the Senate, eight who served in both chambers, a Supreme Court chief justice, a member of the SBOE, a Railroad Commissioner and three former secretaries of state. There's a list over at The Texas Tribune. Best line in that story is from an unnamed former senator: "When you're a senator, you get treated like a prima donna, and you get used to it. I don't mean this disparagingly, but the House members get treated like shit already. They're used to it."

• One of those former lawmakers — Buddy Jones — is suing two of his former partners for leaving and taking a bunch of business along with them. Hillco Partners sued Brandon Aghamalian and Snapper Carr and the firm they joined, Focused Advocacy, alleging they breached their agreements by leaving and by taking along a book of business. The lawsuit is detailed, and includes a terminology we haven't seen since former New York Gov. Eliot Spitzer was identified in the sex scandal that brought him down; the firm's customers aren't identified by name but as "client number 1, client number 2," etc. They're going to the mattresses, apparently. Hillco's lawyers are Hampton Skelton and Brandon Gleason; the others hired Mike Slack, a former president of the Texas Trial Lawyers Association.

The Week in the Rearview Mirror

Coming to a theater near you this weekend: The Dallas Convention Center plays host to the biennial Republican Party Convention, where more than 10,000 delegates and alternates are expected. Observers anticipate more excitement this time around, as the brewing battle for the chairmanship comes to a vote. Also spicing things up is the first-time participation of Tea Party and 912 Project delegates, who will have a role in crafting the party platform and electing the new chairman. The TEA Partiers were denied a spot at the Democratic Party convention in Corpus Christi in two weeks; the Republican shut out this year is Debra Medina, one of the parties gubernatorial candidates. She'll hold a rally/party outside the Dallas event. Other sights on your tour: Kay Bailey Hutchison introducing (and endorsing?) Gov. Rick Perry at a Texas Federation of Republican Women breakfast on Friday morning. That'll be her only appearance; she's back to Washington for a Senate retreat, leaving the convention to the victor.

Democrat Bill White released tax returns for the years 2004-09 — after listening for months to nags from the Perry camp to do so. He said that should clear the way for the debates the governor has been ducking. But he found himself answering Perry's accusation that he was making money from a company that he called on as mayor to perform emergency services during Hurricane Rita. White was on the board of the Wedge Group, which owned a controlling stake in BTEC Turbines. He left the board when he became mayor, though he still got checks for deferred compensation. And later, after the BTEC stint was over, he invested $1 million in the company, later selling at a $500,000 profit. White created a side-by-side comparison of his and Perry's financial disclosures on his website and cited it as the reason for the delay in releasing his returns. The Perry campaign's initial reaction was to call for returns dating back to 1991 to cover all of his years of public service (U.S. Department of Energy and Texas Democratic Party chairman).

As legislators and agency officials scramble to cut their budgets in anticipation of a record budget shortfall, Perry is scoffing at the number they're using. The $18 billion estimate came from the House's top budget writer, after he held hearings on state finance in his role as head of the Appropriations Committee. Rep. Jim Pitts, R-Waxahachie, defended the resulting number as a reasonable forecast based on previous budgets, inflation, population growth and a current revenue shortage.

Everyone gives lip service to higher education, but will legislators be able to put their money where their yappers are? Universities across Texas have already had to scale back their budgets five percent this year, and are expected to absorb another 10 percent cut as part of the next budget cycle. University officials are worried they won't be able to cover continued double-digit growth at their institutions. They also worry that crucial financial aid programs will face the budget axe. Although financial aid programs were spared the five percent cut, there's no guarantee that they will escape being cut again. And there's word now that the cuts in financial aid were made anyhow; schools are getting word from The Higher Education Coordinating Board that they can't count on all of the TEXAS Grants, B-on-time, and other financial aid supposedly left untouched by the cutbacks

Just when it seemed that a deal for a nuclear waste dump in West Texas was all sewn up, opponents filed a lawsuit alleging that the funding of the project was the result of a questionable bond election. In May 2009, voters in Andrews County approved $75 million in bonds to build the disposal site, but the election results have been in contention since then. Although courts have decided that the outcome should stand, the litigants filed an appeal this week with the Texas Supreme Court.

A goof in a federal report led to a false report of oiled birds washing ashore in Texas. A multi-state tally released Sunday included numbers from Texas that were false, the U.S. Fish and Wildlife Service reported in a correction issued Monday. The Texas General Land Office is reporting that there has been no impact on Texas so far from the massive spill and that the westernmost edge of the oil is over one hundred miles east of Texas.

Violence along the border continues unabated, but Texas legislators can point to new Predator drone patrols as proof that they are taking action to secure the border. The drones were authorized to fly as of June 1 and began their patrols between Fort Huachuca, Ariz., and Big Bend National Park. Hutchison has asked for more drones and more pilots to increase security on the 2,000-mile border. Tensions have become so high along the border that when young Mexicans began throwing rocks at border agents, one agent responded by fatally shooting one of the youths. The Mexican government strongly condemned the shooting.

Lobbyists planning their strategies for next session don't want to get slowed down by the new metal detector checkpoints at the Capitol. That's why many of the hired guns are taking classes and applying for concealed handgun permits, which will allow them to breeze past the lines. Legislative employees are also waived through. The justification that these individuals have been pre-screened by having background checks, though, doesn't stand up to scrutiny, as only some employees of the Texas House have had their criminal backgrounds checked.

The Texas Transportation Commission asserted its authority over Texas Department of Transportation this week by holding hearings on the comprehensive audit of the agency. The audit, performed by Grant Thornton, made several recommendations regarding the structure of the agency. Executive Director Amadeo Saenz presented his response to some of the recommendations, but Commissioner Fred Underwood warned that the commission would be in charge of responding to the audit. Chairwoman Deirdre Delisi also made it clear that the commission will be the one to develop the action plan in response to the report's suggestions.

Political People and Their Moves

Gov. Rick Perry’s re-election campaign announced its statewide leadership team. The statewide chairmen are businessman Tom Hicks, transportation commissioner Ned Holmes, businessman Peter Holt, University of Texas regent James Huffines, businessman Red McCombs, University of Houston regent Mica Mosbacher, and Former UTIMCO chairman Bob Rowling.

Mabrie Jackson has resurfaced as the new president and CEO of the North Texas Commission. Jackson is the former Plano city councilwoman who lost a bid for the seat of former Republican Rep. Brian McCall to now-Rep. Van Taylor, R-Plano. The former NTC head, Dan Petty, is transitioning into a consultant role through the 2011 North Texas Super Bowl XLV.

Gov. Rick Perry appointed:

Peter Flores, Louri O’Leary, Jason Kevin Patteson, and Carol Treadway to the State Employee Charitable Campaign Policy Committee.

Steve Leipsner of Austin to the Texas Real Estate Broker Lawyer Committee, which drafts and revises contract forms that are capable of being standardized to expedite real estate transactions and minimize controversy.

Kathleen Luedtke-Hoffmann of Garland to the Texas Board of Physical Therapy Examiners.

• Three members to the Texas County and District Retirement System Board of Trustees. They are Randall County Justice of the Peace Jerry Bigham, El Paso County Commissioner Daniel Haggerty, and Comal County Commissioner Jan Kennady.

Daniel Schaap of Canyon as the 47th District Court Judge serving Potter, Randall and Armstrong counties for a term to expire after the next general election.

• Eva Horton of San Angelo to the Upper Colorado River Authority Board of Directors.

• Jason Peeler of Floresville to the Evergreen Underground Water Conservation District.

Tomas Ramirez III of Devine to the Nueces River Authority Board of Directors.

Quotes of the Week

U.S. citizen Bobbie McDow, after witnessing the shooting death of 15-year-old Sergio Adrian Hernandez Güereca, the Juárez resident killed by a U.S. Border Patrol agent after an alleged rock-throwing incident across the Rio Grande, in the El Paso Times: "I never saw that coming, that there would be a shooting over this. I'm not saying they (the teens) did the right thing, but kids are kids. It's like a little game of cat and mouse."

Brian Olsen, the executive director of a correctional employees’ union, on the Texas Department of Criminal Justice's decision to drug test the state's prison guards, in the Austin American-Statesman: “At a time when they’re not filling positions, and a lot of people expect there could be layoffs, is this the best time to do this?”

Former Texas A&M football coach R.C. Slocum, on why universities are considering a realignment of the country's athletic conferences, in the Associated Press: "You look at the level of funding that all programs need to have, and it's a business decision that universities now have to make."

Houston political consultant Allen Blakemore on the state Republican convention, whose attendees, he says, will be riding high on anti-Democratic sentiment: "The rank-and-file delegates on the floor of that convention will be like kids waiting for Christmas. The only question they have now is, 'How big a present am I going to get?'"

Sen. Jeff Wentworth, R-San Antonio, in a letter to Ron Blatchley, chairman of the Texas State University System Board of Regents, on being passed over for the position of chancellor in favor of former Rep. Brian McCall, R-Plano: “From my standpoint, y’all threw overboard a loyal, tried and true, longtime member of the crew in favor of (please pardon my unvarnished candor) a Johnny-come-lately opportunist.”

Energy mogul T. Boone Pickens to The Texas Tribune on the need for continued offshore drilling: "You know, we can drill those wells in the deep water. I don't think there's any question about that."

Speaker of the House Joe Straus, R-San Antonio, explaining that he's not concerned about the possibility of a race heating up for his job, quoted in The Texas Tribune: "As far as politics goes, I'm focused on protecting our Republican incumbents and helping Republicans in the open seats. ... I'm focused on retaining and expanding the Republican majority in the House."

Michael Barnes, who's running for chairman of the Texas Democratic Party, on the qualifications of incumbent chair Boyd Richie, quoted in The Texas Tribune: "Since when is zero-for-29 a winning record?"

Lobbyist and former legislator Cliff Johnson, D-Palestine, on the utility of lobbyists cum lawmakers, quoted in The Texas Tribune: "When you have somebody who's more than 50 feet from the Capitol, they don't know what's going on in there. There's not a guide dog that can do it. You have to hire somebody to get through the administrative minefield."

Contributors: Julian Aguilar, Reeve Hamilton, Ceryta Holm, David Muto and Morgan Smith


Texas Weekly: Volume 27, Issue 23, 14 June 2010. Ross Ramsey, Editor. Copyright 2010 by The Texas Tribune. All Rights Reserved. Reproduction in whole or in part without written permission from the publisher is prohibited. One-year online subscription: $250. For information about your subscription, call (512) 716-8600 or email biz@texasweekly.com. For news, email ramsey@texasweekly.com, or call (512) 716-8611.

The Purity Test

If the rainbow flavors of the Tea Party feature a common taste, it’s that of fiscally restrained government — and the anti-Washington and pro-state fervor that comes along with it. Not coincidentally, that was the overwhelming theme of the Republican Party of Texas’ convention last weekend.

Gov. Rick Perry railed against the “shameful excesses” of Washington in his opening address. U.S. Rep. Michele Bachmann of Minnesota, Friday night’s keynote speaker, praised a limited government that acts within its “jurisdictional boundaries,” and excoriated the “unlimited credit card people” that make up the “cabal” of the nation’s Democratic leadership. And Attorney General Greg Abbott’s constant assurances during his speech that he was defending the state’s rights against the overreach of the federal government was characteristic of all the statewide officials’ nods toward the Constitution and states’ rights. Does all this rhetoric mean the Tea Party’s growing influence within the state GOP has initiated a shift in focus from social to fiscal issues?

It’s easy to read the ascendancy of Steve Munisteri as party chairman as a token of this movement. Munisteri campaigned on his business bona fides and the contemptible state of the party’s finances. Adams, a former leader of the Eagle Forum and Perry favorite who came of age politically prior to the Tea Party’s insurgency, is known for her ferocious social conservatism, not her fiscal know-how. Debra Medina, the self-appointed flag-bearer of grassroots conservatism who has a history of scrapes with state party leadership, is claiming Adams’ defeat as part of her legacy.

Still, Munisteri’s victory was as much about organization as it was ideology. His supporters were visible and vocal at the convention, swarming the place in their “STEVE” shirts and up early Saturday morning distributing campaign swag. They were also youthful, a telling characteristic when Adams has had to deal with the perception that she wasn’t receptive to the concerns of young Republicans.

If there is a tide change underway, it’s not one completely dominated by an increased focus on fiscal issues. Immigration continues to be a flashpoint, and the far right wing of the party won that war in the platform committee. The 2010 platform includes a plank that calls for the adoption of an Arizona-style law that would require local police to check legal residency when making arrests, even as Perry has said such a law would not be right for Texas. Antagonism at the convention toward Speaker of the House Joe Straus, who grapples with accusations of RINO-ism from far-right elements of the party, concentrated on his perceived weak stance on life issues. (A resolution that was drafted calling for his removal as speaker and accompanied by a letter from David Barton, a former party vice chairman and current WallBuilders activist, also cited his appearances at fundraisers for Democrats.)

All this could reflect an absorption into mainstream Republicanism of the Tea-fueled anti-incumbency rancor that claimed Tommy Merritt, R-Longview, and Delwin Jones, R-Lubbock, in GOP primaries in March. The first indication of what the army of Republicans that descended on Dallas took away with them may be the outcome of Tuesday night’s special election runoff between David Sibley and Brian Birdwell in SD-22. Sibley, who earned 45 percent of the vote to Birdwell’s 37 percent in the primary election, used to represent the district and has been lobbying in Austin ever since. Birdwell, a Christian motivational speaker who was injured in the 9/11 terrorist attack on the Pentagon, plays well with the Tea-sipping crowd — and his supporters were out in throngs at the convention.

But Republicans will surely do their best to ensure these internal machinations stay just that — internal — and don’t become an issue in November. As Mississippi Gov. Haley Barbour, Saturday’s keynote speaker, urged the crowd: "We cannot forget unity because some people will let purity be the enemy of unity. It’s a big party, and we need everybody who is on our side."

No, He Doesn’t Want to Be Your President

Dave Carney, the general consultant to Gov. Rick Perry's re-election campaign — and to his campaigns in 1998, 2002 and 2006 — lives in New Hampshire and commutes and telecommutes to the Texas governor's headquarters (and to other political contests around the country). Perry is his biggest client, and he's been on board since Perry ran for lieutenant governor in 1998. Then agriculture commissioner, Perry had been a client of Karl Rove, before Rove was swept to the national stage in the presidential run of George W. Bush.

Carney sat for an interview with The Texas Tribune at the Hyatt Regency in Dallas during the GOP's state convention last weekend. Many believe Perry is positioning himself for a presidential run, despite his repeated denials and disdain for Washington. But Carney says Perry isn't doing many of the things you'd expect a budding presidential candidate to do, like travel to early primary states and raise money for congressional candidates in strategic areas nationwide.

So why are political people talking about him as a presidential aspirant? “He has passion, emotion, authenticity and all that leads to credibility.”

He also says Bill White is too constrained, trying to not be a Democrat in a race where a contrast might work to his advantage. If you can't address a state problem with a program because the solution would cause a tax increase — an increase you don't think you can safely recommend — you're stuck in "the Kabuki dance on taxes," and you can't campaign from the heart: “It would be more difficult to run against an authentic liberal, an unabashed liberal, who got up an said we’re going to raise taxes, stop dropouts by doing A, B, and C … because then you’re having a debate about ideas.

Perry's opponents like to call him a 39-percent governor; that's the margin that won him the last election. But Carney says it's a canard. “Because you get elected with 91 percent of the vote, it in no way translates to what you’re going to do in your next election. But it gives you a sense, and I would say a false sense of something — that 80 percent of the people love you — and in fact gives you no comfort that they are going to vote for you.”

If Perry doesn't want to be president, it's not because he has no interest in issues bigger than the state. Carney says his passion — this would be the message of the campaign, folks, if you haven't been watching since the governor's first appearance at a Tea Party rally more than a year ago — the governor's passion is making Texas and other states more powerful relative to the federal government.

“He wants to help drive this movement to put some balance back into this federal/state relationship,” Carney says. “And he wants to work with Democratic governors and Republican governors and get them fired up on this encroachment on this basic structure of our government.”

Other candidates have been making regular visits to Texas, tapping Perry for help, for appearances — and probably, to take his measure as a potential rival for a White House run. Carney's read is that his boss wants to do what he wants to do from outside Washington, D.C.: “He thinks, and I think he’s probably right, that he can have more impact by being in the countryside, trying to rally the troops, than to be to the inside.”

The Third Man

By any standard, Katherine Youngblood Glass' victory over Jeff Daiell to secure the Libertarian Party of Texas' nomination for governor was a blowout. Seventy three of the 100 or so delegates that congregated at an Austin Holiday Inn chose Glass over Daiell, the party's nominee in 2002. But history indicates it's only a matter of time before Glass is handed the same fate as Daiell in the general election — by an even greater margin.

Since 1992, no Libertarian candidate for Texas governor has ever garnered more than 1.5 percent of the vote. The last person who came close was Daiell, when he received about 67,000 votes — 1.46 percent — in the same race that saw Rick Perry trounce Tony Sanchez with 58 percent of the vote. Candidate James Werner had to contend with independents Carole Keeton Strayhorn and Richard "Kinky" Friedman in 2006 and mustered a mere 0.6 percent — about 26,750 ballots. Glass points to the party’s growth since then and says a reinvigorated base could help her achieve 34 percent of the vote, the number she needs in a three-way race to claim victory.

Glass' optimism sounds far-fetched. But that doesn’t mean a Libertarian candidate doesn’t have a real effect in lower ballot races. Particularly in the Texas House, a Libertarian candidate can be the political boogeyman who derails a major party candidate. In 2004, Democrat Mark Strama defeated Republican incumbent Jack Stick by 569 votes because Libertarian candidate Greg Knowles collected about 2,400 in the race to represent HD-50.

In the 2006 general election, there were several close races where Libertarians affected the outcome for both parties. HD-17 Republican challenger Tim Kleinschmidt lost to incumbent Democrat Robbie Cook by 415 votes while Libertarian Roderick "Rod" Gibbs hauled in about three times as many votes. That same year, Democratic challenger Juan Garcia ousted Republican incumbent Gene Seaman by 767 votes, while Libertarian Lenard Nelson made out with slightly more than 2,000 in the race for HD-32. In HD-85 Democrat Joe Heflin beat out Republican Jim Landtroop by 217 votes, while Libertarian David K. Schumacher had 793 ballots cast in his favor. In HD-93, Democrat Paula Hightower Pierson beat incumbent Republican Toby Goodman by 587, while Libertarian Max W. Koch III received 759. That same year, then-Republican Kirk England could have been the beneficiary, as he beat Democratic challenger Katy Hubener by 235 votes. Libertarian Gene Freeeman hauled in 591 votes. (England has since switched parties as in now a Democrat.) The open seat for HD-118 in 2006 witnessed Democrat Joe Farias triumph over George Antuna by 900 votes while James L. Thompson received 1,700 votes.

The trend continued in 2008 when challenger Wendy Davis defeated incumbent Sen. Kim Brimer in the race for SD-10 by 7,095. The Libertarian candidate in that race, Richard Cross, received 7,501. State Rep. Chuck Hopson, who has since switched from Democrat to Republican, squeaked by Republican challenger Brian Walker with 120 more votes while Libertarian Paul Bryan received 875 of his own. The race for the open seat in HD-52 witnessed a surprise victory by Democrat Diana Maldonado over Republican Bryan Daniel by fewer than 900 votes. Libertarian Lillian Simmons could have been Maldonado's good luck charm, as she collected 2,850 votes, a bulk of which could have gone to Daniel.

The November general election features 28 House races where Libertarians are a third option to Democrats and Republicans. Chances for a Libertarian house member are less than slight, but the candidates could be play a significant role in the future composition of the Texas House, which is currently composed of 76 Republicans and 74 Democrats.

Worldwide Web Wars

A new map of Texas is causing a mild stir. Released on Wednesday by Connected Texas and commissioned by Agriculture Commissioner Todd Staples, it lays out the extent of broadband access in the state. The big reveal is that more than 250,000 Texas homes — less than 4 percent of the population in Texas, but more than the total households in Vermont have — no access to high-speed internet.

Staples said he hopes the map will inspire private businesses to reach out to the unserved and underserved areas, which are mostly rural communities. And he wants the Legislature to enact policies that entice companies to do so.

But Staples’ Democratic challenger, Hank Gilbert, isn’t buying it. “This is yet another stupid, sleazy, 'look-at-me' political trick designed to cover up the fact that he's one of the best at wasting tax money in the history of the state,” Gilbert said in a statement about the map, which was paid for with funds from President Barack Obama’s $7.2 billion broadband stimulus program.

As a way of demonstrating that this problem has been around for a while, Gilbert points to a 2-year-old academic study that demonstrated that a 1-percent increase in Texas broadband penetration would bring 21,000 new jobs to Texas.

Not only does he believe that broadband access should have been dealt with earlier, but Gilbert says that all parties — businesses, legislators and citizens — are already aware of the issues and don’t stand to learn anything from this new service.

"I'm sure people on landline modems will be grateful to Todd after the 45 minutes it takes them to actually view the map to determine, sure enough, that their area isn't served by broadband," said Gilbert, who hopes those internet users also take a gander at hankgilbert.com.

In response to Gilbert’s criticism, Staples’ campaign recommends another website in addition to the broadband map. “Our opponent has a criminal conviction for theft, unpaid taxes, current tax liens, and allegedly accepted a bribe for $150,000,” said campaign manager Cody McGregor. “We hope all Texans will use the internet to view www.guiltyguiltygilbert.com and get the facts about our opponent and his campaign’s trouble with telling the truth.”

Budget Busters

Rep. Ken Paxton, R-McKinney, wants the public to have more input on the state budget. To that end, he has launched a new website: TexasBudgetBusters.com. Visitors are invited to vote on whether or not the lawmakers should “keep” or “bust” certain items or programs.

An example: “In the 2009 Legislative Session, a member of the Legislature added an earmark to spend an additional $4.2 million to buy a helicopter and station the helicopter in his district in Longview, TX.”

Currently, the site stops short of naming names on bust-able budget items, but that’s not a steadfast rule. “I hadn’t really thought about that yet,” Paxton says. “This just our first week of doing it.”

Paxton isn’t restricting the site to casting negative attention. Some budget proposals —the ones found in the “Budget Fixers” section — get a positive spin. For example, users can also vote to “forget” or “go for” the idea of establishing stricter spending limits.

Paxton says he was inspired after hearing that the budget shortfall could reach $18 billion. “We were trying to think of positive ways that we could impact how the budget process worked,” he says. “People normally don’t have any say in the budget process, and they can’t express their opinion or vent. This is a way to do that.”

He says he intends to keep the site running through the upcoming session and “for as long as we think we’re providing useful information.”

The Week in the Rearview Mirror

The GOP partied in Dallas this week, creating a platform and electing a new chairman. The three-way race for chairman of the state party resulted in the ouster of its current chair, Cathie Adams, and the election of retired Houston lawyer Steve Munisteri. Although ideologically similar, Munisteri’s fiscal conservatism appealed to the party faithful as he pledged that reducing the party’s debt would be his top priority. There was also a nascent move to endorse removing Joe Straus as speaker introduced by a Tea Party group. The sentiment was echoed by boos in the audience as Straus was introduced, but the resolution, accompanied by a four-page letter penned by David Barton, never came up on the floor for debate.

Republicans weren’t the only ones partying this weekend. The Libertarian Party held its convention in Austin this week, nominating Katherine Youngblood Glass as its candidate for governor. Although the party hopes to capture voters from across the political spectrum, the Houston lawyer focused on issues similar to the Republicans' hot-button issues: fiscal conservatism and immigration. Glass claimed that 25 percent of the budget is spent on illegal immigrants, so eliminating that spending would be an easy fix for the upcoming budget shortfall. The party’s goal is to garner 34 percent of the vote in November in the (currently) three-way gubernatorial race.

Although the Green Party is unsure of its ballot status in November, it also nominated its candidate for governor this week. She is Deb Shafto, a co-founder of the Texas Green Party and a retired teacher. To get on the ballot, the Greens were forced to collect signatures. Take Initiative America provided the funding, as an in-kind donation, for the paid signature gathering, but it remains unclear where the money originally came from — some think it’s the work of Republican political operatives. The Texas Democratic Party has sued the Greens in an effort to force disclosure of the origin of the funds.

State lawmakers face a multibillion-dollar budget shortfall next year, redistricting, a brewing battle over immigration, and yet the Voter ID issue may take center stage again. The House Elections Committee met this week to hear testimony on the issue. Chairman Todd Smith, R-Euless, declared that support for requiring additional identification to be shown at the voting booth was still strong. Opponents contest the importance of the issue, citing statistics that show a miniscule percentage of complaints filed relate to voter fraud.

Squabbling and positioning continues to dominate environmental wars in Texas. State officials are outraged that the Environmental Protection Agency thinks Texas is doing such a poor job of regulating air quality that it wants to take over that regulatory function. Attorney General Greg Abbott has filed an appeal with the 5th Circuit Court of Appeals, hoping to get the decision on qualified facilities reversed, and allow the Texas Commission on Environmental Quality to continue regulating emissions permits falling under the Clean Air Act.

As the June 7 shooting death of a Mexican teenager continues to generate controversy on both sides of the border, the Border Patrol expressed concern this week about the threats against agents its office received. Agents have come increasingly under attack, not only from rock-throwing incidents like the one that precipitated the shooting, but also with those involving weapons. Reports of bounties placed on agents are not uncommon.

Texas weather is famous for its unpredictability, and sudden storms can wreak havoc. The PUC recently instituted a new rule for power companies that seeks to establish more stability for Texans in storms’ aftermath. The agency will require electric utilities to formulate and publish detailed contingency plans for dealing with power outages. The plans will have to be updated every five years, and an annual progress report will also be required.

Fresh off his nomination as the GOP candidate for governor, Perry headed to China to participate in “Texas Week” at the Shanghai Expo. The governor plans to promote Texas and hopes his goodwill trip will translate into increased tourism, exports and, of course, jobs. The delegation traveling with him includes representatives from more than 30 organizations who will be pitching Texas as a business partner.

Stories of a fight club — where residents were encouraged to fight each other for snacks — at a residential treatment center have led the state to ban placement of foster children there. The Department of Family and Protective Services has suspended new placements at the Daystar Residential Inc., a Houston-area treatment center for troubled youth, based on allegations of abuse at the facility. The agency has also assigned a monitor to ensure the safety of the children currently living at the center and will proceed with a review of the allegations against Daystar.

Even in a state full of football fanatics, the fever pitch debate this week about college conferences was dramatic. College teams switching conferences was the hot topic, and everyone who had an opinion felt it necessary to weigh in. At the end of the day, however, Texas teams decided to stay put, and because their conference lost two teams, they will garner a bigger share of the television money previously split between the 12 teams in the conference.

Political People and Their Moves

President Barack Obama appointed Mississippi Supreme Court Justice James E. Graves Jr. to the 5th U.S. Circuit Court of Appeals to replace Judge Rhesa Barksdale.

Gov. Rick Perry reappointed Cathleen Parsley of Austin as the chief administrative law judge at the Office of Administrative Hearings, which oversees hearings in contested cases to ensure they are conducted objectively, promptly and efficiently, for a term to expire May 15, 2012.

Gov. Rick Perry named Edward Marx of Colleyville chair of the Texas Health Services Authority Corporation for a term to expire at the pleasure of the governor. He also appointed the following eight members to terms that expire June 15, 2011:

• David Fleeger of Austin, a surgeon at Austin Colon and Rectal Clinic.

• Kathleen Mechler of Fredericksburg, a registered nurse, and co-director and chief operating officer of Texas A&M Health Science Center Rural and Community Health Institute.

• Dee Porter of Austin, a chief operating officer of the Texas Department of State Health Services.

• Judy Powell of The Woodlands, a community volunteer and former chair of the Texas State Board of Professional Counselors.

• J. Darren Rodgers of Dallas, president of Blue Cross and Blue Shield of Texas.

• Adolfo Valdez of Austin, an assistant commissioner of Prevention and Preparedness Services at the Texas Department of State Health Services.

• Stephen Yurco of Austin, a licensed pathologist and partner at Clinical Pathology Associates.

Quotes of the Week

Republican Party Chairman Steve Munisteri on his relationship with outgoing chair Cathie Adams, quoted in The Texas Tribune: "Well, I went up and thanked Mrs. Adams for her service and said I have respect for her activism. And I have not had the opportunity to talk to her since.”

U.S. Rep. Joe Barton, R-Arlington/Ennis, apologizing to BP CEO Tony Hayward for being asked to put up $20 billion for a fund for victims of the ongoing oil spill in the Gulf of Mexico: “I do not want to live in a country where anytime a citizen or a corporation does something that is legitimately wrong is subject to some sort of political pressure, that is again, in my words, amounts to a shakedown. So I apologize."

Stefani Carter, a Republican challenging Rep. Carol Kent, D-Dallas, to The Dallas Morning News responding to accusations that she was plagiarizing President Barack Obama on the stump: "It's going to be a funny year. Democrats are running away from Obama to the extent they feel the need to compare Republican candidates to Obama, but voters are smarter than Democrats think."

University of Texas President Bill Powers when asked at a press conference what the Big 12 Conference should call itself now that it only has 10 teams: “The Conference Formerly Known as the Big 12.”

U.S. Sen. John Cornyn, in response to a question about his financial holdings in energy companies, quoted in the Houston Chronicle: "I'm not a member of the millionaires' club," Cornyn quipped in response to a question during a telephone conference call with reporters.

Politician and humorist Kinky Freidman, addressing what he sees as the connection between Texas Congresswoman Barbara Jordan and the Texas Tea Party, in The Texas Tribune: “The Tea Party folks are like Barbara Jordan: They think the Constitution is important. In fact, the Tea Party is what the Democrats used to be."

Libertarian candidate for Texas Governor Katherine Youngblood Glass, on her odds at beating Gov. Rick Perry and former Houston Mayor Bill White, quoted in The Texas Tribune: "It is going to be hard, but we can do hard things. In a three-way race, 34 percent of the vote can take this thing, and that’s within reach."

Contributors: Julian Aguilar, Reeve Hamilton, Ceryta Holm, David Muto and Morgan Smith

 

The Week in the Rearview Mirror

Political People and their Moves

Quotes of the Week