Spin Number Two — now that U.S. Rep. Chet Edwards, D-Waco, has turned out not to be Barack Obama's pick for the vice presidential nomination — is that Edwards is closer to being positioned for an upcoming (maybe) race for U.S. Senate.
He'd need a bigger boost than that.
Only a handful of members of the Texas congressional delegation have won statewide office from those perches in the last 30 years. Democrat Jim Mattox had a Dallas Democratic machine and a statewide Democratic sweep in his favor when he ran for attorney general in 1982. Republican Phil Gramm had a national reputation — more importantly, a statewide rep — when he ran for U.S. Senate. Gramm got there after helping President Ronald Reagan's budget-cutting efforts from the Democratic side of the aisle. The Democrats ostracized him, so he resigned, changed parties, and won the special election to replace himself as a Republican. And Kent Hance had a national rep at the time, too, for some of the same reasons. He was a Democratic congressman, helped Reagan with his tax plan (the other half of that administration's financial package), lost a statewide race as a Democrat, switched parties, lost a race as a Republican, and finally won a place on the Texas Railroad Commission as a Republican.
Two others made it from Congress into statewide court positions, but we'd probably argue that those elections are more about the strength of a particular ticket than about the candidates. Even so: Jack Hightower, a Democrat, won a spot on the Texas Supreme Court after losing a bid for a sixth term in Congress in 1984. And Bob Gammage, a Democrat, won election to two statewide court seats (Court of Criminal Appeals and then the Supreme Court) in the years after serving one term in Congress in the late 1970s.
But the political field is littered with the carcasses of Democrats and Republicans who've tried to step from their congressional seats into statewide office. The odds of winning without a political wave or a bigger-than-normal reputation are skinny.
Jack Fields. Mike Andrews. John Bryant. Jim Chapman. Joe Barton. Ken Bentsen. Steve Stockman. None of them made it out of their post-congressional election bids (though Barton ran in a special election and still holds his seat in Congress, 15 years later).
Money helps, because a candidate can buy statewide attention with it, raising his or her profile to a competitive level. That's part of what boosted the handful of winners from local notoriety to statewide recognition. And several members of the current congressional delegation have the bucks to at least start statewide races. Edwards, with $1.5 million in his campaign fund, is one of them.
Others with more than $1 million on hand (and without serious threats against them in this election cycle): Ron Paul, R-Surfside, $4.0 million (largely because of his presidential campaign); Lloyd Doggett, D-Austin, $2.4 million; Barton, R-Ennis, $2.1 million; Jeb Hensarling, R-Dallas, $1.4 million; Pete Sessions, R-Dallas, $1.1 million; and former U.S. Rep. Jim Turner, D-Crockett, $1.0 million.
U.S. Sen. Kay Bailey Hutchison had $8.7 million in the bank at mid-year, but she's been a statewide elected official at either the state or federal level since 1990 and wouldn't have the congressional wall to hurdle.
For all of those officeholders, the federal campaign money would convert, in full, to state campaign accounts if the pols wanted to come home and run. Of the bunch, only Hutchison is regularly on the list of people who might come home for a state run.
If she were to leave office for a state race, some of the House mice might be interested in moving to the Senate. She beat two members of Congress from her own party — Barton and Fields — when she started her tenure in a special election in 1993. In a race like that, where they've raised all of their money with federal campaign limits in effect, federal officeholders start with a financial advantage. That could be important if Hutchison decides to run for governor and to resign early to make that race.